Cette thèse aborde la question de la (re)frontiérisation en Turquie face aux problématique liés à la gouvernance des « indésirables ». Par qui et pour qui est-elle faite, et avec quels effets ? Le positionnement particulier de la Turquie comme étant ni entièrement européenne, ni entièrement non-européenne, a alimenté la problématisation du paysage migratoire en Turquie. Ce positionnement ambivalent est d’une part dû à un regard orientaliste qui encadre la manière dont sont perçus la Turquie et les migrants qui y résident, et d’autre part à cette démarche de séduction et de mise en conformité émenant de l’UE et de sa stratégie d’externalisation. En prenant le cas de la Turquie, nous soutenons que nous devons comprendre la gouvernance de la mobilité comme une affaire de pouvoir diffus, dont sont particulièrement investies les organisations intergouvernementales, mais aussi les organisations que l’on pourrait appeler bordercrats périphériques. Nous proposons les concepts de bordercracies, clans bordercratic transnationaux et objets frontierisés pour comprendre l’autorité épistémique, les connectivités et l’agentivité comprisent dans ce pouvoir diffus. Nous affirmons que les clans bordercratic transnationaux dépendent de rationalités gestionnaire, sécuritaire, humanitaire, et orientaliste, imbriquées dans la gouvernance de mobilité, qui génère une logique de filtrage basé sur la sélection des désirables/indésirables. Nous conclurons que les fonctions performatives des clans bordercratic transnationaux incluent, lorsqu’elles intègrent la Turquie dans le cercle à suivre et excluent, lorqu’elles constituent et maintiennent les « indésirables » loin de l’Occident. / This doctoral thesis seeks to explore how bordering is performed in Turkey with respect to the governance of the ‘undesirables’, by whom, for whom, and with what effects. This enquiry argues that Turkey’s migration and refugee landscape has been problematised through its particular positionality as neither completely European nor completely non-European. This ambivalent positionality is partly due to the permeation of orientalist ways of seeing Turkey and the migrants and refugees who inhabit this landscape, and partly an effect of the courtship/compliance externalisation strategy of the EU. In taking the Turkey case, I argue that mobility governance has to be understood as a matter of diffuse power that is particularly vested in IGOs, but also in organisations that might be called peripheral bordercrats. I advance the notion of bordercracies, transnational bordercratic tribes and bordered objects to make sense of the workings, epistemic authority, connectivities and the agentic forces of this diffused power. I argue that bordercratic tribes rely on intermingling managerial, security, humanitarian and orientalist rationalities of mobility governance, which generate a filtering logic based on selections of desirable/undesirable. I conclude that the performative functions of transnational bordercratic tribes include as they bring Turkey into an in-group and exclude as they constitute and contain ‘undesirables’ away from the West.

La francophonie touche des questions et des disciplines multiples. Objet littéraire, linguistique, politique, organisationnel, elle semble déclinable à l’infini. C’est le premier enjeu de la thèse : mesurer ses contours à travers un travail de définition qui prend en compte les différentes dimensions de la francophonie. Du mot à l’institution en passant par la symbolique du concept, la recherche construit son objet.A partir de cette définition – élargie – la réflexion pose la francophonie comme objet de recherche en sciences de l’information et de la communication, puis comme objet médiatisé en France. L’analyse de la couverture médiatique de la francophonie par la presse quotidienne nationale et les journaux télévisés s’appuie sur le concept d’événement et sur une étude sémiotique de l’image. Elle permet d’observer le rétrécissement de l’objet foisonnant en un objet uniforme qui se réduit à sa manifestation bisannuelle (Sommet de la Francophonie). La thèse interroge ensuite les acteurs francophones (anonymes, artistes, institutions) tels qu’ils sont mis en récit par le dispositif médiatique : les enjeux se dessinent, les forces opposantes et alliées se positionnement et se déplacent, suivant la logique d’une sémiotique structurale. Au fil du développement, la francophonie entre en contact avec l’identité française et c’est sur l’ambivalence de leur lien que se clôt la thèse. / The idea of francophony (“ la Ffrancophonie”) is linked with many questions and disciplines and there seem to be no limits to its literary, linguistic, political or organisational applications. The main object of this thesis is therefore to try and define it as accurately as possible while taking into account its multiple dimensions, from the word itself through the symbolism of the concept to the institution. With this –widened- definition as a starting point,” francophony” (“la francophonie”) can be considered as an object of research in communication and information sciences, as well as a subject that has its own existence in the eyes of the French media. The analysis of the media coverage of “francophony” in the French national daily newspapers and TV news rests on the notion of “event” and on a semiotic study of the image It allows to narrow a many-sided phenomenon down to a single homogeneous one by reducing it to its biennal event- the Francophonie Summit. The thesis then focuses on the agents of “francophony” (individuals, artists or institutions) as they are presented in the media: on what is at stake, on how conflicting forces and alliances appear and fluctuate according to a structural semiotic logic. Progressively, the question of “francophony” meets with that of the French identity, and the thesis ends on the ambiguous aspect of their connection.

The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states. Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question. The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture. This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.

The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states. Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question. The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture. This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.

This study aims to establish an understanding of corporate sustainability and how companies communicate their sustainability. It also evaluates how sustainability reporting is addressed by various corporate companies by using GRI reporting guidelines and ISO standards, and also how these standards and guidelines are helping the companies to achieve Sustainable Development Goals. A literature review was conducted to understand the various approaches to developing a sustainability report. A theoretical relationship matrix was carried out to establish the relationship of ISO standard (clauses are the section in ISO standard which defines the action or requirements to be carried out, ISO in this research is used to represent the various important areas in a company) with the GRI guidelines (disclosure, are the section used to report contextual information about an organization and its sustainability reporting practices), and a list of the number of SDGs which each GRI disclosure and ISO standard achieves was developed. Four industrial sectors were selected and one company in each sector was used as a case study. The SDG impact assessment web-based tool was used to represent the information provided by the companies in their sustainability report/annual report. From the case studies, it was understood that, out of 4 companies, two companies employed GRI reporting guidelines i.e 2 companies used twin approaches for reporting their sustainability and 2 companies used inside-out reporting approaches. Whereas all the companies had ISO 14001:2015 certification, 3 out of 4 companies had ISO 9001:2015 certification and 2 out of 4 had companies ISO 45001:2018 certified. With this, we can understand a broad picture of corporate sustainability, and in-depth sustainability analysis of one industrial sector from the companies point of view has to be carried out in future.

Thesis advisor: Hans de Wit / Thesis advisor: Ana M. Martínez Alemán / This project aimed to understand the relationship between theoretical interpretations of multiple values and ideas of the universities from within and across different disciplines and their influence on higher education and its internationalisation within the real international organisation (IO) policy context. With this foundation, I derived a theoretical construct to gauge the often implicit presence of values and ideas of the university in policy. The theoretical construct consisted of: (i) an academic idea of the university from philosophy of higher education literature; (ii) a globalised idea of the university from international higher education literature; and (iii) a developmental idea of the university from international development higher education literature. To apply the theoretical construct using theory-testing via critical discourse analysis of IO policy, I framed IOs as leaders in the global governance of HE, possessing significant linguistic capital (Bourdieu, 1991) in international development higher education. I used the concept of elite capture to describe the phenomenon of IO power over knowledge and values via policy channels enabling them to “describe, define, and create political realities (Táíwò, 2022, p. 32). The theoretical claim I tested, via the two theory-testing cases of UNESCO and the World Bank, was that the values held by IOs with regards to HE and its internationalisation practically shape IO structures and policy processes. I focused on internationalisation of higher education and academic research collaboration as specific policy areas for theory-testing. I found that idealised theoretical ideas of the university are useful for this analytic approach and play a part in shaping IO structures and processes, but in complex ways not neatly represented by disciplinary-bounded theoretical categories. Further, the discursive function of IO strategic priorities shapes discursive construction of higher education policy, how higher education is broadly treated, and the bounds within which internationalisation of higher education is approached. I recommend a richer and more complex theorisation of the university to account for rationales of different stakeholders, including academic, developmental, and globalised ideas of the university, to support policy-makers in international development higher education. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

This study assessed the role of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in HIV-prevention among mobile and vulnerable populations (MVPs) and potential emigrants in Beitbridge. A mixed-method approach, which combines quantitative and qualitative approaches, was used in this action research. A total of 20 in-depth face-toface interviews were conducted with key informants and 56 self-administered questionnaires were completed by MVPs and potential emigrants in Beitbridge. The study found that a number of effective strategies are currently being implemented as a preventative measure by the IOM within MVPs and potential emigrants’ communities in Beitbridge. At the same time, however, in order to ensure sustainability of these HIVprevention initiatives, the IOM must promote long-term synergies with other strategic partners throughout the project cycle. It is recommended that, the IOM strategically position itself by moving a step further from being the sole provider of emergency humanitarian support towards devising sustainable and durable solutions among MVPs and potential emigrants. / Sociology / M.A. (Social Behaviour Studies in HIV-AIDS)

This study assessed the role of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in HIV-prevention among mobile and vulnerable populations (MVPs) and potential emigrants in Beitbridge. A mixed-method approach, which combines quantitative and qualitative approaches, was used in this action research. A total of 20 in-depth face-toface interviews were conducted with key informants and 56 self-administered questionnaires were completed by MVPs and potential emigrants in Beitbridge. The study found that a number of effective strategies are currently being implemented as a preventative measure by the IOM within MVPs and potential emigrants’ communities in Beitbridge. At the same time, however, in order to ensure sustainability of these HIVprevention initiatives, the IOM must promote long-term synergies with other strategic partners throughout the project cycle. It is recommended that, the IOM strategically position itself by moving a step further from being the sole provider of emergency humanitarian support towards devising sustainable and durable solutions among MVPs and potential emigrants. / Sociology / M.A. (Social Behaviour Studies in HIV-AIDS)

Magister Legum - LLM / This study examines the legal and policy objectives of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) with specific reference to international standards and the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO). The study sets out the history and development of the TBT Agreement and the relationship between the TBT Agreement and selected WTO Agreements. The study also explores the application and interpretation of the TBT Agreement under the WTO dispute settlement system. More importantly, the study addresses the legal, policy and practical implications of the TBT Agreement for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. A central argument put forward in this study is that, albeit international standards have been recognised as an important tool for LDCs in Africa to gain access to foreign markets, there is no significant ‘political will’ and commitment from the key players in standardisation work, that is, the national governments, the private sector and the ISO. At the same time, some developed and developing countries tend to use their influence and involvement in the activities of the ISO as a means of promoting the use and adoption of their homegrown standards. The study proposes, among others, that a more participatory approach which encompasses representatives from consumer groups, the private sector and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from these LDCs in Africa, should be adopted

[pt] Este trabalho tem como objetivo evidenciar a relevância do Brasil no cenário internacional como reconhecido agente ratificador e internalizador de normas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho a respeito da erradicação do trabalho escravo, bem como destacar a fragilidade dessa posição alcançada diante de riscos existentes à política nacional de combate a essa prática ilegal. Para tanto, examina-se primeiramente a adesão brasileira ao corpo normativo da OIT. A partir da análise comparativa entre as iniciativas implementadas pelo Brasil para combater o trabalho escravo nos últimos 25 anos e as normas internacionais estabelecidas pelo Protocolo de 2014 adicional à Convenção do Trabalho Forçado número 29 da OIT (P29) – instrumento normativo vinculante mais recente e atualizado da organização a respeito do tema –, conclui-se que a política brasileira está contemplada em quase sua totalidade no referido documento. Portanto, sustenta-se que a resistência do Brasil em ratificar o Protocolo até hoje revela que o país se encontra em descompasso não só com o contexto internacional contemporâneo de enfrentamento ao trabalho escravo, mas sobretudo com o próprio histórico na OIT, apesar da influência brasileira na formulação do P29 e do prestígio internacional em torno da política nacional. Em seguida, a pesquisa aponta que o avanço brasileiro na erradicação do trabalho escravo ainda não está consolidado ao mapear uma série de obstáculos à política nacional que incluem tentativas de retrocesso, lacunas e falhas apontadas pela literatura especializada e por profissionais e pesquisadores ligados ao campo de pesquisa. Por fim, apresenta-se eventuais impactos econômicos e reputacionais para o Brasil diante do cenário de desmantelamento traçado. / [en] This dissertation aims to shed a light on Brazil s relevance in the international scenario as a recognised ratifying agent with a known path of internalisation of norms of the International Labour Organisation regarding the eradication of contemporary slave labour, as well as to highlight the fragility of this reached position in the face of existing risks to the national policy against this illegal practice. To this end, it is first examined Brazil s adherence to ILO s normative body. Based on a comparative analysis between the initiatives implemented by Brazil to fight slave labour in the past 25 years and the international norms established by the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention 29 (P29) – the latest and most up-to-date binding normative instrument within ILO regarding this topic –, it can be concluded that the Brazilian policy is almost entirely contemplated in the referred document. Therefore, it is arguable that Brazil s resistance to ratify the Protocol reveals that the country is out of step not only with the contemporary international context of confronting slave labour, but above all with its own historical stance within ILO, despite Brazilian influence in the formulation of P29 and international prestige around the national policy. The research, then, points out that Brazil s progress towards the eradication of slave labour is not yet consolidated by mapping a series of obstacles to the national policy that encompasses retrogression attempts, gaps and failures pointed out by specialised literature and professionals and researchers related to the field. Finally, it presents possible economic and reputational impacts for Brazil in view of the dismantling scenario outlined.