The regulation of the labor effects of subcontracting:Peru in South AmericaThis article aims to place the operated changes in legal treatment of labor effects of the outsourcing of productive activities in Peru within the context of a more general trend to regulate this phenomenon operated in several countries in South America in a coincident way, in order to identify their points of coincidences and their singularities. It also questions the aptitude of regulatory solutions introduced to face up to problems generated by the new productive model which express these practices and it testsproposals to overcome in the future their weaknesses / El presente artículo pretende situar los cambios operados en el tratamiento jurídico de los efectos laborales de la subcontratación de actividades productivas en el Perú dentro del contexto de una tendencia más general a regular este fenómeno, tendencia operada en varios países de América del Sur de manera coincidente, con el fin de detectar sus puntos de coincidencia y sus singularidades. Asimismo, se interroga sobre la aptitud de las soluciones normativas introducidas para hacer frente a los problemas generados por el nuevo modelo productivo que expresan estas prácticas y ensaya propuestas para superar en el futuro sus debilidades

Over the last several decades, economic and cultural shifts in the United States have created an increasing demand for domestic labor, and data shows that these jobs have largely been filled by women of color, many of whom are immigrants who may or may not have documented legal status. Despite the growing importance of this industry, domestic workers have historically and intentionally been excluded from most federal and state labor rights and regulation, which has resulted in substandard working conditions, exploitation, and abuse for workers in this industry. This research traces the gendered and racialized legislative exclusion, and analyzes recent state efforts to enact policies extending labor rights to domestic workers. It concludes with recommendations for the role of advocacy in pushing for legislative change, and for bridging the gap between policy and enforcement.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-16T14:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1620050 bytes, checksum: a17245acadefd22ec509e662582c1060 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study aimed to investigate the union of the domestic workers from João Pessoa city and their collective action against the current context of institutional change in the regulation‟s pattern of their labor rights. To achieve this objective, it was necessary theoretical basis about the labor and its new settings, the sexual division of labor, the labor market in Brazil, and a specific literature about domestic employment, highlighting its history, precarious situation and the actions and policies targeting category. This research was outlined by a qualitative approach whose case study was conducted at the Union of Domestic Workers of João Pessoa. The subjects were, beyond the union president, twelve (12) workers associated and active in the institution. Data collection occurred through semi-structured interviews, document analysis and direct observation that occurred in August and September 2013. Regarding the results of the survey, it was sought to characterize the social and demographic profile of the domestic workers; investigate how works the organization and the structure of the union; how it is mobilized politically and to investigate how to the legislation change influences the political action and the working conditions of the category. The results shows that the profile of the interviewed maids follows the pattern found in Brazil: women, black, poor and poorly educated. Most of them work unregistered, informally, receiving a minimum wage and do not contributing to social security. As regards the organization of the union, one realizes that it is a fight that has dragged on for several years, which counts with numerous important partnerships for it to keep working, such as CUT, the Feminist Movement, and the Black Movement. It is highlighted the importance of SINTRICOM (Union of Construction Workers) for union researched, since it is responsible for enabling all necessary for the operation and maintenance of the union of the domestic structure. With regard to the actions of the union itself, we note that the biggest problem faced by the union is the lack of political awareness on the part of the maids. For most respondents, the union is not just a space for professional representation, but also a space where they feel comfortable, useful, valued and it is an area of continuous learning and fellowship. The domestic workers received favorably and with great expectations the acquired rights from the PEC. Even with all the barriers faced by the union and by category, the respondents believe that working conditions will improve after the adoption of the PEC. / O presente estudo teve como objetivo investigar o sindicato das empregadas domésticas da cidade de João Pessoa e sua ação coletiva face ao atual contexto de mudança institucional no padrão de regulação de seus direitos trabalhistas. Para que esse objetivo fosse atingido fez-se necessário o embasamento teórico a respeito do trabalho e suas novas configurações, da divisão sexual do trabalho, do mercado de trabalho no Brasil e, de uma literatura especifica sobre o emprego doméstico, evidenciando sua história, sua situação de precariedade e as ações e políticas públicas direcionadas à categoria. O presente estudo se delineou por meio de uma pesquisa qualitativa, cujo estudo de caso foi realizado no Sindicato das Empregadas Domésticas de João Pessoa. Os sujeitos da pesquisa foram, além da presidente do sindicato, 12 (doze) empregadas domésticas associadas e ativas na instituição. A coleta de dados se deu por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, análise de documentos e observação direta, ocorridas nos meses de Agosto e Setembro de 2013. Em relação aos resultados da pesquisa, buscou-se caracterizar o perfil social e demográfico das empregadas domésticas; investigar como se dá a organização e estruturação do sindicato; como se mobiliza politicamente e; de que maneira a mudança na legislação influencia a ação política e as condições de trabalho da categoria. Os resultados mostraram que o perfil das empregadas domésticas entrevistadas segue o padrão encontrado no Brasil: mulheres, negras, pobres, com pouca escolaridade. A maioria delas trabalha sem registro em carteira, na informalidade, recebem até um salário mínimo e não contribuem para a previdência. No que se refere à organização do sindicato, percebe-se que é uma luta que se arrasta há vários anos; que conta com inúmeras parcerias importantes para o seu funcionamento, como a CUT, o Movimento Feminista, e o Movimento Negro. Destaca-se a importância do SINTRICOM (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores da Construção Civil) para o sindicato pesquisado, uma vez que aquele é o responsável por viabilizar toda a estrutura necessária para o funcionamento e manutenção do sindicato das domésticas. No que se refere à atuação do sindicato em si, nota-se que o maior problema enfrentado pelo sindicato é a falta de conscientização política por parte das empregadas domésticas. Para a maioria das entrevistadas, o sindicato não é apenas uma espaço de representação profissional, mas também um espaço em que elas se sentem bem, úteis, valorizadas, além de ser um espaço de contínua aprendizagem e de companheirismo. As domésticas receberam com bons olhos e com uma grande expectativa os direitos adquiridos com a PEC. Mesmo com todas as barreiras enfrentadas pelo sindicato e pela categoria, as entrevistadas acreditam que as condições de trabalho irão melhorar depois da aprovação da PEC.

O presente trabalho tem por objeto central o estudo do fenômeno da terceirização, propondo uma análise a partir de diferentes enfoques a fim de compreendê-lo de forma integral. Inicialmente, apresenta-se uma reconstrução histórica para entendermos os fatores determinantes em sua origem, bem como os interesses por trás de sua disseminação. Em sequência, são apresentadas as alterações jurídicas promovidas tanto pelo Poder Legislativo quanto pelo Judiciário que, se primeiro proibiram a terceirização- porquanto contrária ao ordenamento jurídico pátrio -, a seguir foram alterando seu posicionamento e cedendo espaço à sua utilização até que alcançasse o estado atual de ampla disseminação. O estudo prossegue apresentando a forma como esse mecanismo de gestão da mão de obra é aplicado na prática, bem como os efeitos gerados aos atores envolvidos: empresas, sindicatos e trabalhadores. Por fim, tendo em mente os direitos e princípios fundamentais constantes de nossa Constituição Federal, bem como a realidade produzida pela terceirização e sua ampla aceitação através do desmonte promovido em nosso ordenamento jurídico, o presente estudo propõe sugestões de solução ao rastro de precarização da classe operária, baseando-se não em sugestões a serem legisladas, mas na interpretação jurídica a partir da consideração de princípios constitucionais e específicos do Direito do Trabalho e demais regras já positivas em nosso ordenamento. / This work is a study about the outsourcing phenomenon wich proposes an analysis based on different approaches in order to fully understand it. Initially, it presents a historical reconstruction to understand the determining factors in their origin, as well the interests behind its propagation. In sequence, the study presents the legal changes promoted by both, the Legislative and the Judiciary, which were the first to ban outsourcing - because contrary to the brazilian juridical system -, afterwards changed their position and gave way to its use until it reached the current state of wide dissemination. The study goes on presenting how this new mechanism of labor management is actually applied in practice, as well as their effects to all the parts involved in the process: companies, trade unions and workers. Finally, bearing in mind the fundamental rights and principles contained in our Federal Constitution, as well as the reality produced by outsourcing and its wide acceptance throughout the dismantling promoted in our legal system, this study offers suggestions for solutions to the precarious path that is being traced to working class, based on suggestions not to be legislated, but based upon the legal interpretation, specially from the constitutional principles and specific labor rights and other laws already positive in our juridical system.

本研究之目的有四： （一）整理目前我國國會助理工作之特性： 藉由研究來了解國會助理工作之內容及特性為何，進而歸納出國會助理所需之勞動條件。 （二）了解目前我國國會助理勞動之條件： 由於國內多數國會助理研究並未對國會助理各項勞動條件明確予以討論，本研究試圖收集國會助理各項勞動條件，藉以了解國會助理真實的勞動環境情況。 （三）歸納目前我國國會助理勞動之權益： 藉由收集到的資料，分析及討論目前國會助理各項勞動條件之情況，並適時了解國會助理於勞動環境中所面臨之問題。 （四）明白目前我國國會助理勞動權益與條件之間的落差： 在了解國會助理的各項勞動條件後，分析與討論其與現行法令之落差，並提出改善之建議，藉以提升國會助理之勞動條件。 關鍵字:國會助理、勞動權益

This project examines the ways in which gendered discourses were strategically deployed by working women in their own interests during the years of Cardenismo. One result of this activism is the fluorescence of a number of court cases in the capitol of Oaxaca in south-central Mexico, Ciudad Oaxaca de Juárez. Hundreds of working women sued former employers between 1929 and 1938, which were unusually high numbers not seen before or since. Offenses cited include nonpayment of wages, firing without sufficient cause, and “other offenses” – usually quite juicy in the details. The majority of the women worked as household domestic help or as shop clerks in the market, and were almost uniformly young, illiterate, and poor. Moreover, a great many of them had recently migrated to the city center from rural indigenous communities. Their testimonies cited revolutionary narratives of inclusion and labor rights. As indigenous women they embodied mexicanidad, or “authentic Mexicanness”, as promoted by the revolutionary state in a bid to create a unified national identity. Describing themselves in terms consistent with revolutionary values of womanly abnegation, they claimed labor rights as upstanding members of a revolutionary state. They simultaneously reproduced and challenged gendered discourses, which were deployed within ongoing social negotiation of the meaning and shape of revolutionary change. By citing accepted notions of gendered behavior, testifiers were able to expand official understandings of appropriate social roles for women. As poor, indigenous, and female, they testified from a multiply marginalized social position. Nevertheless, they petitioned the court for labor rights as women, as citizens, and as workers – all at once. Public understandings of proper roles for women expanded over time to include the two latter categories. This project argues that textual analysis of narratives at this formative moment within women’s labor rights in Mexico will result in a better historical understanding of their role and agency in changing social norms and structures.

Although the United States is the world's leading consumer nation, limited empirical research exists on the relationship between consumer choices and political participation. This study provides the first quantitative analysis of the demographic characteristics, motivations, and political activities of political and ethical consumers in the United States. Ethical consumers are broadly defined as socially responsible consumers including the subset of political consumers. Political consumers, while also socially responsible, are primarily concerned with achievement of political or social change through purchasing decisions. While political and ethical consumers engage in similar behaviors, the distinguishing factor between the two is motivation. Participation in both political and ethical consumerism is measured through buycotting (intentionally purchasing) or boycotting (intentionally abstaining from purchasing) of particular products or companies. Based on data from the 2002 National Civic Engagement Survey II, this study finds income and education significantly predict participation in political and ethical consumerism, while race and gender do not. Across political parties, the stronger a respondents' political affiliation, the less likely they are to boycott or buycott. This study also finds the primary motivation of participation for 80 percent of boycotters and buycotters is altruistic (ethical consumerism) rather than the achievement of political objectives (political consumerism). Additionally, political and ethical consumers indicate little belief in the ability for their purchases to alter business practices and do not consider their actions a part of organized campaigns. Political and ethical consumers are politically active and individuals who contact public officials, protest, and sign email or written petitions are significantly more likely to boycott or buycott than those who do not. In lieu of these findings, suggestions are offered to consumer-activist groups and social change organizations concerning rationales of consumer motivation and political engagement in the hopes this information will be utilized to mobilize a broader base of citizen-consumers. / Ph. D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ADRIANA FERREIRA DE PAULA.pdf: 928519 bytes, checksum: 9a65c99bb9020bc76d02e1c5a377e843 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-31 / The subject under study is about the legal form of collective social dumping and moral damages in labor relations, as a tool against the repeated violations of labor rights in Brazil. The issue that prompted the study: a) How the Labor Court understands, conceptualizes, and interprets the social dumping collective moral damage? b) What foundation do you use? c) How the Labour Court is judging social dumping and collective moral damage? What criteria are used in these trials? d) What are the situations that cause the condemnation of social dumping and collective moral damage? e) How the Labor Court awoke to social dumping and collective moral damage? Doctrines that have caused attention to the subject? The study aims to analyze decisions of the Labour Court and doctrines of social dumping and collective moral damage in order to understand the process of trial and conviction of employers who flout labor laws and mass repeatedly. The study was conducted in two distinct and complementary moments. In the first, he took advantage of literature in order to seek greater theoretical depth and conceptual background. In the second, we focused on the research field characterized by data collection and case law on the subject under study. The research result is that the configuration of social dumping and collective moral damages in employment law is at the stage of study and discussion, because the concepts are not consolidated. / O tema em estudo versa sobre a configuração jurídica do dano moral coletivo e dumping social nas relações de trabalho, como instrumento de combate as violações reiteradas dos direitos trabalhistas, no Brasil. A problemática que instigou o estudo: a) Como a Justiça do Trabalho entende, conceitua, interpreta o dumping social e dano moral coletivo? b) Qual embasamento utiliza? c) Como a Justiça do Trabalho está julgando o dumping social e dano moral coletivo? Quais critérios são utilizados nesses julgamentos? d) Quais são as situações que ensejam a condenação por dumping social e dano moral coletivo? e) Como a Justiça do Trabalho despertou-se para o dumping social e dano moral coletivo? Que doutrinas provocaram a atenção para o assunto? O estudo objetiva analisar decisões da Justiça do Trabalho e doutrinas sobre o dumping social e dano moral coletivo a fim de compreender o processo de julgamento e condenação de empregadores que desrespeitam a legislação trabalhista em massa e de forma reiterada. O trabalho foi realizado em dois momentos distintos e complementares. No primeiro, valeu-se da pesquisa bibliográfica com a finalidade de buscar maior aprofundamento teórico e embasamento conceitual. No segundo, privilegiou-se a pesquisa de campo caracterizada pelo levantamento de dados e jurisprudências sobre o tema em estudo. O resultado da pesquisa é de que a configuração do dumping social e dano moral coletivo no direito do trabalho está no estágio de estudos e discussão, pois os conceitos não estão consolidados.

Brazilians judicial labor procedure is ineffective. It often doesnt realize the complainants rights (at least, not entirely), and when it does, it takes so much time and causes so many privations to the complainant, that much of its utility is lost. This is due to the way in which the system is read by its operators, in a conservative and restrictive way, which still takes into account only the text of the law and ignores the values and principles that inform the system. This leads to the non achievement of the fundamental rights of the workers and the denial of access to justice. Thus, this study is an attempt of insurgency against the way in which the labor procedure law is applied and against the logic of our legal system, a perverse logic, which seems to always favor the debtor and discourage the compliance of the labor law. Our goal is to look for new ways to apply the procedural technique, in order to extract better results from the system, which is especially necessary regarding labor procedure law, because of the nature and importance of the rights that it protects - fundamental rights, thus defined by the Constitution. This is, in fact, an important subject in our study: the demonstration of the fundamentality of the labor rights, in the hope that, once recognized like that, they will be respected, as occurs with the rights recognized as fundamental. The fundamentality of the labor rights and of the right to access the justice (which we designate as the fundamental right to effective judicial protection - subject that also received special emphasis, as well as the vision of the process as a public service provided by the State, as well as its meaning and consequences) generate the necessity of a rapid and effective judicial process, one that, in a short time, offers the employee the full restoration of his violated labor rights. Thats what we tried to build, analyzing institutes such as the provisory injunction, the definitive and provisory execution, the abuse in the use of the process and many more, trying to present new ways to read them and use them, in order to increase the effectiveness of the process. What we tried to show, finally, was how a new vision of the procedural law generates a different application of its institutes, one that fulfills its objectives and protects the worker. What we tried, in other words, was to see how the judicial labor process can help the effectiveness of the labor law, whose restoration is the reason of the judicial system and an obligation of the State. / Brazilians judicial labor procedure is ineffective. It often doesnt realize the complainants rights (at least, not entirely), and when it does, it takes so much time and causes so many privations to the complainant, that much of its utility is lost. This is due to the way in which the system is read by its operators, in a conservative and restrictive way, which still takes into account only the text of the law and ignores the values and principles that inform the system. This leads to the non achievement of the fundamental rights of the workers and the denial of access to justice. Thus, this study is an attempt of insurgency against the way in which the labor procedure law is applied and against the logic of our legal system, a perverse logic, which seems to always favor the debtor and discourage the compliance of the labor law. Our goal is to look for new ways to apply the procedural technique, in order to extract better results from the system, which is especially necessary regarding labor procedure law, because of the nature and importance of the rights that it protects - fundamental rights, thus defined by the Constitution. This is, in fact, an important subject in our study: the demonstration of the fundamentality of the labor rights, in the hope that, once recognized like that, they will be respected, as occurs with the rights recognized as fundamental. The fundamentality of the labor rights and of the right to access the justice (which we designate as the fundamental right to effective judicial protection - subject that also received special emphasis, as well as the vision of the process as a public service provided by the State, as well as its meaning and consequences) generate the necessity of a rapid and effective judicial process, one that, in a short time, offers the employee the full restoration of his violated labor rights. Thats what we tried to build, analyzing institutes such as the provisory injunction, the definitive and provisory execution, the abuse in the use of the process and many more, trying to present new ways to read them and use them, in order to increase the effectiveness of the process. What we tried to show, finally, was how a new vision of the procedural law generates a different application of its institutes, one that fulfills its objectives and protects the worker. What we tried, in other words, was to see how the judicial labor process can help the effectiveness of the labor law, whose restoration is the reason of the judicial system and an obligation of the State.

Among the different rights that workers are entitled to, the right to vacations has currently become one of the most relevant. However, many questions could be made regarding thesaid  entitlement:  What do we mean when we refer to vacations? Which are its mainelements? What is its purpose?In the present article, the author answers those questions in the light of several doctrinal studies, international legislation and constitutional jurisprudence. He also stresses the role the International Labor Organization Convention 132 plays on the matter, as well as the importance of the respect of freedom of association. / Entre los distintos derechos que el Derecho del Trabajo reconoce al trabajador, el derecho de vacaciones se ha constituido en uno de losmás relevantes actualmente. Ahora bien, al respecto pueden surgir ciertas interrogantes: ¿A qué nos referimos cuando hablamos de vacaciones?; ¿Cuáles son los elementos que la componen?; ¿Cuál es su finalidad?En el presente artículo, el autor responde estas y otras preguntas, a la luz de diversos estudios doctrinarios, legislación internacional y jurisprudencia constitucional. Destaca, asimismo, el papel que cumple el Convenio 132 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y la importancia del respeto de la libertad sindical.