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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
21

Mezinárodní udržování míru a hybridní řád: UNIFIL II v jižním Libanonu / International Intervention and Local Hybrid Order: UNIFIL in South Lebanon

Daniel, Jan January 2017 (has links)
Bibliographic Record DANIEL, JAN. International Peacekeeping and Hybrid Order: UNIFIL II in South Lebanon. Prague, 2017. 257 p. Doctoral dissertation (Ph.D.) Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Thesis supervisor: JUDr. PhDr. Tomáš Karásek, Ph.D. Abstract The thesis explores an engagement of a UN peace operation with a local political order. It builds on understanding of peacekeeping as policing of certain vision of international and local order and on that basis, it explores practices and politics of keeping peace. Drawing on the study of UNIFIL II, the UN peacekeeping operation deployed in South Lebanon, the study focuses on practices by which peacekeepers perform their policing duties in the local order, which is marked by entanglements between state and non- state ordering authorities and different practice of stateness. By doing so, it seeks to advance the research on the everyday practices of peacekeeping, as well as the research on local hybridity of peace operations and engagement of liberal actors with the local difference. Drawing on the debates in critical peace studies and works on practice-oriented approaches to research on liberal governmentality, it makes the case for focusing on the peacekeepers' engagement with the 'local' order on the...
22

Questioning the Local in Peacebuilding

Simons, Claudia, Zanker, Franzisca 02 February 2022 (has links)
Critics of the liberal peace paradigm call for the consideration of local realities in order to come to a more sustainable, comprehensive form of peace – which is not imposed by external actors. The “local” is generally seen as the place where bottom-up or grassroots peace is developed in contrast to the liberal peace proposed by external international agents. Whereas critical peacebuilding literature stresses the difference between the “liberal” and the “local” and acknowledges the incoherence of liberal actors, much less attention has been paid to differences and variations within the “local” sphere. Drawing on empirical research in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) we argue that the “local” is much more complex than presumed by many critics of the liberal peace. We argue that a) the local is fragmented and actors and issues are highly contested; b) neither actors nor discourses are purely local; and c) the very idea of a coherent collective local agency is contested locally.
23

Acteurs locaux et acteurs internationaux dans la construction de l’Etat. : Une approche interactionniste du cas du Kosovo / Local Actors and International Actors in Statebuilding : An Interactionist Approach to the Kosovo Case

Sainovic, Ardijan 24 November 2017 (has links)
Comment les intervenants internationaux peuvent-ils (re)construire des institutions légitimes après un conflit intra-étatique ? En d’autres termes, quels facteurs déterminent le résultat du statebuilding post-conflit ? D’un côté, l’approche dominante, dite « technique », soutient que des ressources significatives (financières, humaines, politiques) permettent aux intervenants internationaux de construire les institutions voulues. Au Kosovo, les acteurs internationaux ont établi une administration internationale dotée de pouvoirs exécutifs et des ressources étendues et maintenues tout au long du processus. Or, le bilan du statebuilding est mitigé. D’un autre côté, le paradigme de la « paix libérale » affirme que la libéralisation (politique et économique) contribue au résultat limité des opérations post-conflit car elle est mal appliquée, illégitime voir dangereuse pour les sociétés sortant de conflits violents. Cette approche néglige aussi bien les facteurs internes que les variations dans les intentions internationales et se base, comme l’approche technique, sur un postulat implicite (erroné) de l’asymétrie porteuse de rapports de pouvoir qui favoriseraient les intervenants internationaux. En conséquence, ces approches ignorent la manière dont les acteurs locaux peuvent résister aux normes et objectifs internationaux.Pour expliquer les variations du résultat du statebuilding international, nous proposons un modèle théorique alternatif en modélisant une approche multicausale et séquentielle d’un jeu à deux niveaux. Notre thèse est la suivante. Les variations dans l’issue du statebuilding sont fonction des interactions stratégiques, elles-mêmes déterminées par les changements dans les préférences et les relations de puissance entre les intervenants internationaux et les élites politiques locales. Le statebuilding est étudié comme un processus interactif, mettant en relation potentiellement trois acteurs clés qui dominent le paysage politique post-conflit. Dans ces conditions, le statebuilding est un succès uniquement si les réformes internationales ne menacent pas le pouvoir politique des élites locales – pouvoir qui s’appuie sur deux piliers, le nationalisme et les pratiques informelles – et que les acteurs internationaux ont mobilisé suffisamment de ressources pour amener les élites locales à adopter et appliquer les réformes désirées.Or, le cas du Kosovo montre que les préférences des acteurs ne s’alignent que très rarement. Le statebuilding international a été instrumentalisé et miné par les préférences divergentes et contradictoires entre les principaux acteurs clés. Les acteurs internationaux ont voulu créer un Etat démocratique et multinational, mais ont privilégié la stabilité car ils ont été confrontés à des élites politiques locales – kosovar-albanaises et kosovar-serbes – préoccupées par le pouvoir et la domination de leur groupe sur autrui et par le maintien du leadership à l’intérieur de leur propre groupe. Entraînant ainsi une multiplication des autorités et à une fragmentation de la légitimité : deux systèmes politiques et sociaux persistent et empêchent la cohésion et le caractère multinational de l’Etat. L’intervention de l’UE a permis de changer le jeu en contribuant à apaiser la situation sur le terrain. Mais des tensions persistent, confortant le compromis. / How can international actors build legitimate institutions following intra-state conflict? In other words, what factors determine the outcome of post-conflict statebuilding? On the one hand, the dominant approach, termed "technical", argues that significant resources (financial, human and political) allow international actors to build the required institutions. In Kosovo, international actors have established an international administration with executive powers, extending and sustaining resources throughout process. However, the success of statebuilding generally is mixed. On the other hand, the so-called "liberal peace" paradigm affirms that liberalization (political and economic) is a contributing factor to the limited success of post-conflict operations because it is either misapplied, illegitimate or even dangerous for societies emerging from violent conflicts. The liberal peace approach neglects these facts and ignores variations in international intentions. It is based, as is the technical approach, on an implicit (erroneous) assumption of an asymmetry in power relationships in favor of international actors. The result is that, these approaches fail to acknowledge the possibility of local actors resisting international standards and objectives.To explain variations in the success of statebuilding, we present an alternative theoretical model where a multi-level, sequential approach is modeled to a two-level game. Our thesis is as follows: variations in the statebuilding success are the function of strategic interactions, themselves determined by changes both in preferences and the power relationships between international actors and domestic political elites. Statebuilding is seen here as an interactive process, potentially linking three key actors who dominate any post-conflict political landscape. In unique conditions, no statebuilding process or international reforms need pose a threat to the political power of local elites - power derived from two pillars, i.e. nationalism and informal practices. Rather, international actors mobilise sufficient resources to induce local elites to adopt and implement the desired reforms.However, the preferences of the actors are very rarely aligned. In the case of Kosovo, it has been shown that international statebuilding has been instrumentalized and undermined by divergent and contradictory preferences among key actors. The international actors’ desire was to create a democratic and multinational state, but they opted for stability instead because they had to deal with local political elites - Kosovar-Albanian and Kosovar-Serb. The latter were concerned about maintaining their power over, and domination of, their group over others as well as maintaining leadership within their own group. This has led to a multiplication of authorities and a fragmentation of legitimacy: two distinct political and social systems persist, preventing the development of a cohesive and multinational state. While EU intervention has brought about a game change and helped to calm the situation on the ground, tensions persist, reaffirming the compromise that has taken place.
24

Peace and recovery : witnessing lived experience in Sierra Leone

Twort, Lauren January 2015 (has links)
A critical re-examination of the liberal peace is conducted to explore the ways in which certain ideas around peace have come to dominate and to be regarded as “common sense”. The foundation of my critique comes in the personalisation of peacebuilding through the stories of people who are the intended beneficiaries of its actions. This thesis seeks to open up and challenge the current measures of success and the location of power by introducing voices and experiences of Mende people located in the Southern and Eastern provinces of Sierra Leone. I have attempted to open up a reflexive space where simple questions can be re-examined and the location of recovery can be seen as a space influenced, shaped and performed in the context of diverse influences. I draw on my personal experience living in Bo, Sierra Leone for two months in 2014 and local level actors' subjective reflections on individual and communal notions of recovery, post-conflict. My findings are reflected in “building blocks” that uncover a partial story of personal perspectives on recovery. The story suggests a de-centred and complex “local” within the existing context and realigns the understanding of subject and agency within peacebuilding. This collection of experiences, stories and encounters reshapes the notion of peace as an everyday activity with the aim of improving well-being on a personal level. It is also a part of the peacebuilding process that exists outside of the traditional organisational lens. My main contribution has been in allowing alternative space(s) of peacebuilding and peace-shaping to have a platform that is not restricted by the confined epistemic “expert” community toward an understanding of “progress” as an experiential and subjective process of recovery. This approach sought to challenge the current site of legitimacy, power and knowledge, and in order to achieve this aim I drew on a new methodological toolkit and the absorption of key concepts from other disciplines such as managerialism and the sociological concept of the “stranger”. My research offers an opportunity to observe and utilise information sourced from the creativity and spontaneity of the everyday lived experiences of Sierra Leoneans and ordinary phenomena connected with this.
25

”We used to be brothers. What has happened to us?" : A qualitative case study on civilian opposition to international peacebuilding in Mali.

Weckström Breidenstein, Regina January 2023 (has links)
Abstract The international UN-led peacebuilding mission MINUSMA has been deployed in Mali since 2013 and was initially rather successful. The mission managed to support the government with stabilization and a peace agreement that ended the conflict between the north and the south. However, since 2017 the situation has deteriorated in the presence of MINUSMA. Violence has escalated and several new communal conflicts have emerged primarily in the central regions where Islamist groups have gained ground, and there have been two more coup d’états and the government have been carrying out human rights violations against civilians. By 2023 the people of Mali and the current military government has demanded the mission to withdraw and leave the country. This study set out to understand why civilians oppose international peacebuilding and made a comparative case study of three regions in Mali, Koulikoro in the south, Mopti in the central and Gao in northeastern Mali looking at how opposition against MINUSMA has changed between 2017-2020. The study found that reasons for opposition are multilayered and stem from both historical and contemporary events and experiences. Moreover, the study found that despite substantial research on the importance of including civil society in peacebuilding processes, most civilians, groups and communities have been left out of the peace process and instead the approach has been mainly top-down with MINUSMA supporting the Malian government. The problematic aspect of this is that the government did not support its own people. The study suggest that international peacebuilding must be more context-sensitive and understand the history and root causes of the conflicts to successfully support a country with peacebuilding in order to avoid a situation where the civilian population oppose the mission instead of being included, engaged and committed to the peace process.
26

[pt] THE RIGHT INPUTS IN AFGHANISTAN: A PAZ LIBERAL NO AFEGANISTÃO COMO SEGURANÇA PARA O OCIDENTE / [en] THE RIGHT INPUTS IN AFGHANISTAN: THE LIBERAL PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN AS SECURITY TO THE WEST

CATHERINA BRESCIANE GODEGHESI 08 September 2015 (has links)
[pt] A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9. / [en] The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.
27

Assessing the Role of National Peace Infrastructures in Conflict Prevention: A Study of Ghana's National Peace Council (NPC)

Adjei, Maxwell 28 November 2022 (has links)
No description available.
28

The liberal peace and post-conflict peacebuilding in Africa : Sierra Leone

Tom, Patrick January 2011 (has links)
This thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty. The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.
29

The limits of Europeanisation and liberal peace in Cyprus : a critical appraisal of the European Union's green line regulation

Ersozer, Fadil January 2018 (has links)
This thesis investigates the European Union (EU) effect on the economic activity across the Green Line in the divided Cyprus between 2004 and 2016. The primary focus is on the development and implementation of the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR), which regulates and enables such activity from three aspects: movement of goods, services, and persons. In tracing the EU effect, this thesis provides a critical appraisal of the GLR on whether it provides an adequate legal framework for the economic activity in those three aspects and the extent to which it has contributed to the development of economic cooperation between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities across the divide. The analysis also pays an equal level of attention to the extent to which the EU effect has been mediated by the factors at the domestic level: the roles of legal framework, ethno-politics in political elites, ethno-politics in civil society, and governance. The investigation of this study is pegged in two academic literatures. The first one is the Europeanisation debate, which concerns with the EU effect in the domestic affairs of countries associated with the EU. This thesis borrows three mechanisms of Europeanisation from this debate in order to test the EU effect on the three aspects of economic activity across the divide in Cyprus: i) institutional compliance, ii) change of domestic opportunity structures, iii) cognitive change. The second academic literature is the liberal peace, which it proposes that greater economic interactions and development of economic interdependence between countries facilitate resolution of their conflicts. The insights from this debate is utilised for conceptualising the EU's GLR as a liberal peace project. While Europeanisation is portrayed as a 'process', liberal peace objectives are seen as the 'ultimate destination', which the 'vehicle' of the EU's GLR will drive the island towards it. This thesis argues that the GLR has only achieved a limited success and largely failed to contribute to the development of economic cooperation across the divide in Cyprus. This is mainly because the Europeanisation process have been heavily mediated and negated by the design shortcomings of the GLR as well as the factors at the domestic level, which are inherently linked to the politics of division. In this context, this thesis aspires to make contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The in-depth and critical investigation of the GLR as well as of the economic activity across the divide in Cyprus provides a much-needed contribution to the contemporary politics of Cyprus, which has been largely ignored by the existing academic literature. Additionally, the conceptual framework developed in this thesis allows exploring synergies between the theoretical literatures of Europeanisation and liberal peace and combines them with examination of new empirical evidence. This focus captures insights on how Europeanisation can be used as a 'tool' for pursuing liberal peace objectives in contested statehood, beyond what has been researched so far and also provides a blueprint for other similar cases of conflict.
30

The Bellicose politics of peace

McBeth, Renée Erica 27 August 2010 (has links)
Despite its presentation as a pragmatic and universally applicable path to peace, the author argues that liberal peacebuilding offers no clear break from past colonial and imperial relations. Liberal peacebuilding is, in fact, colonial in its attempt to penetrate the markets and political systems of post-conflict countries and restructure economies and political life through the hegemonic imposition of liberal norms, facilitating their integration into global capitalism and a liberal community of states. The “liberal peace” created by this political and economic order often involves violent conditions of assimilation and exclusion. Moreover, the confluence of security and development concerns in the 1990s has set the strategic foundation for the incorporation of locally-driven “civil society” approaches to peacebuilding within statebuilding operations. In this thesis, the author identifies existing criticisms of peacebuilding, and, drawing on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Partha Chatterjee, David Scott, and Jenny Edkins, initiates a deeper critique that considers the historical context of colonialism, legitimations of violence, the construction of the non-west in categories of development, and the relations of power and knowledge associated with liberal approaches to making peace. The author provides a historical and political overview of wars in Angola, proposing that discourses and practices of international peacebuilding have concealed the continuation of war by other means.

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