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In an economically developing world, the process of modernization has been proven to change people’s cultural and political values. Political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Wetzel’s revised theory of modernization shows evidence that people’s political and cultural values move along two dimensions in a predictable pattern. Economic development shift people’s values from traditional and survival toward more secular-rational and self- expressive. This rise in post-material values has unknown effects on people’s mental health. Using Esping-Andersen’s theory on welfare state regimes the aim of this study is to both examine what effect post-material values have on mental health and, furthermore, if this effect plays out differently in different welfare state regimes. This was done using regression analysis based on data from a large number of countries from all over the world. The results of the analysis show that a rise in post-material values is positively correlated with worse mental health. But when welfare state regimes were brought into the model the relationship between post-material values and mental health did not stay the same but varied in its effect across the different regimes. The conservative welfare state regime stood out as the regime in which post-material values generated the worst mental health. On the whole, results indicate that the relationship between post-material values, welfare state regimes and mental health is a very complex relationship that is in need of further examination.

The article starts with an overview of modernization theories, its history of ups and downs as well as its present status. This first part is followed by an analysis of basic social structure distributions and trends in human development in selected countries. One major focal point of the paper is the Non-Western world and the Arab countries, in particular. The author looks at modernization and modernity in that region and comes to the conclusion that the Western world can no longer expect to be able to simply export its own values and its way of life to the rest of the world.

This mainly deductive study examines what factors explain the variation of e-democracy and if, why a causal pathway exists. The deductive feature is carried out through examining the predictions of the modernization theory, testing hypotheses concerning the link between economic development and wealth in relation to e-democracy. Deriving from a theoretical point of departure where e-democracy is conceptualized with the help of democratic theory, this phenomenon is studied in three different but linked empirical parts. A cross-sectional global study did establish a relationship between some of the indicators derived from the theory; however, the magnitude of the explanatory power was lower at the level of e-democracy than at the level of democracy. A cross-sectional national study of all Sweden’s municipalities did show that especially high levels of education were clearly related to high levels of e-democracy. Approaching the questions of causal mechanisms and deviations from the found pattern, case studies did emphasize that the linkage between the structural conditions and actor’s-orientated explanations largely could verify what is deducted from theory. However, the importance of economic possibilities and internal prioritizations inside the political organization was essential for the development of e-democracy and was found through more inductive approaches. The main contribution of this thesis is the results that, both on an aggregated and a micro level, verify the theory but also add other important explanations. Another important conclusion is the creation of a model for e-democracy where a complete e-democracy is linked to democratic theory and not only maintains information, discussion, and decision-making processes through information and communication technology but also does this while strengthening political participation and political equality. / PECOI

The aim ofthis study was to examine how economic growth affects the level of democracy inauthoritarian states. Some of these states have experienced high economicgrowth. However, one can discuss how it affects the country’s democratization-process.For that reason this study was needed to contribute to a clarification of howeconomic growth can affect authoritarian rule and democratization. This wasdone through an examination of the development in China. Hence, this study aimsto contribute to the research field of democracy and to suggest how to manageand support democracy in authoritarian growth-states that deny their denizensdemocratic rights. The study was conducted through a comparison of the expecteddevelopment that the modernization theory stipulates with the actualdevelopment of the Chinese society. The study has examined the impact of twofactors of modernization, namely education and media.  The analysis of the empirical material showsthat the expected development, suggested by the modernization theory, in largeparts corresponds to the development in China. However, based on thedevelopment in China, it seems that economic growth suggest two implications inauthoritarian states; firstly it means a legitimization of the currentpolitical leadership and secondly it means the growth of a middle class throughimproved socioeconomic conditions. This suggest that economic growth bothsupport and undermines the level of democracy. In the case of China this suggests that a popularization of society has begun. However, the democratizationin China is still inconclusive and there are no signs of change in thepolitical leadership. The dualities of the conclusions underline the importanceof further research on the subject of economic growth and its implications fordemocracy and authoritarian states.

Democratization has been studied by several scholars, who have argued about significance of various factors for democratization of a certain country. One of these scholars was Seymour Martin Lipset and he claimed that there is a linear correlation between democracy and socioeconomic development. Thus, the aim of this study is to test Lipset’s hypothesis in the case of Azerbaijan, which is an oil rich authoritarian country. The study was conducted with the help of mixed analysis methods (i.e. combination of qualitative and quantitative methods) and a case study research design.  To measure socioeconomic development’s impact on democratization of Azerbaijan, some socioeconomic indicators were chosen in this study, such as economic growth, income inequality, poverty and unemployment rates in the country. Results of the empirical data analysis showed that, socioeconomic development has a positive correlation with democratization and therefore, Lipset’s hypothesis is plausible in the case of Azerbaijan. In addition, socioeconomic development has a great impact on democratization of the country, i.e. of Azerbaijan. / Demokratisering är ett ämne som har studerats av flera forskare under flera år. Några av dessa forskare har hävdat att det finns diverse faktorer som kan ha inverkan på demokratiseringen av ett land. En av dessa forskare var Seymour Martin Lipset, som hävdade att det finns en positiv korrelation mellan demokrati och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, syftet med denna studie är att testa Lipsets hypotes om socioekonomiska utvecklingens samband med demokratin på fallet av Azerbajdzjan. Azerbajdzjan är ett oljerik autoritär land som har upplevt hög ekonomisk tillväxt.  Studien har genomförts med hjälp av blandade analysmetoder (dvs. kombinationen av kvalitativ och kvantitativ analysmetod) och en fallstudie forskningsdesign. För att genomföra studien, några socioekonomisk utveckling indikatorer har valts, såsom ekonomiskt tillväxt, inkomstskillnader, fattigdoms- och arbetslöshetsnivån i landet. Resultatet av det empiriska data analysen visade att, Lipsets hypotes stämmer i fallet av Azerbajdzjan och det finns ett positivt samband mellan demokratisering och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, socioekonomisk utveckling har en stor inverkan på demokratiseringen av landet, dvs. av Azerbajdzjan.

本文依據現代化理論之脈絡，探究總體經濟因素對於民主政治究竟存在何種影響，在方法論上則採取量化與質化的結合，以求各自擷長補短。 為探究經濟因素究竟是影響民主政體的「建立」、已建立民主政體的「存續」、亦或民主程度的「提昇」。本文首先將各國依其民主化時程及宗教文化的不同，區分為第二波民主化國家、第三波民主化國家及伊斯蘭國家，據此建立三個次模型及一個總體模型，並利用總體經濟資料進行量化分析。研究結果發現，經濟因素對於民主政體的「建立」與否並無影響，但良好的經濟表現則有助於已建立之民主政體的「存續」及民主程度的「提昇」；亦即現代化理論的外生說獲得支持。 為彌補量化研究之不足，本文並進一步以土耳其進行個案分析。個案分析的結果顯示，儘管影響土耳其民主政治發展的因素包含宗教勢力興起、經濟危機及軍方干政，但最根本的因素仍是經濟危機；在經濟危機之下，不論軍方或民間社會皆感受到壓力，民間轉向伊斯蘭教尋求安慰，軍方則藉安定社會與對抗宗教勢力等名義，發動政變而中止民主政治。 / Rested on the theories of modernization, this thesis inquired into how the macroeconomic performance influences the political development of democracy. The quantification and qualification approaches are adopted in the methodology for a complete perspective. In order to explore whether the economic performance influences the establishment of democratic regime, the sustenance of established democratic regime, and the elevation of democratic level, this thesis classifies the countries as the democratic countries in the second wave of democratization, the democratic countries in the third wave of democratization and Islamic countries according to the agenda of democratization and religious culture difference. Based upon the three categories, the author builds up three secondary models and one general model and puts the macroeconomic materials in the quantitative analysis. The findings discover that the economic performance has nothing to do with the establishment of democratic regime. However, the well-performed economy does help consolidate the established democratic regime and elevate the democratic level as well. The conclusion implies that the exogenous theory of Modernization theory is substantiated. In order to make up the insufficiency of the quantification research, the author takes Turkey for case study. The results reveal that the factors influencing the political development of democracy in Turkey include the rise of religious power, the economic crisis and the military intervention. Among the factors, the most crucial one is the economic crisis. Under the threat of economic crisis, the society turned to Islamism for consolation. Nevertheless, in the name of stable society and resistance to religious power, the military launched coup d'etat to interrupt the democracy.

The purpose of this paper was to study the relationship between democracy and economic development in Mongolia, Turkey and Vietnam during 1980-2017. The study’s questions are (1) How has the relationship between state and economic development been described and explained in selected research literature? (2) How has the relationship between state and economic development manifested in Mongolia, Turkey and Vietnam in 1980-2017? And (3) What can we learn of this study for future research? Based on data derived from political science institutions such as Variety of Democracy and Transformation Index BTI and statistical and economic organizations such as The World Bank and The Global Economy, case study method was applied to examine the relationship between these two concepts country by country. In line with other similar studies the result indicates that the relationship between democracy and economic development is complex and should be understood in relation to each country’s historical, institutional and geopolitical setting. In Mongolia, democratic transition was accompanied by economic progress. Turkey recently experienced some success in economic development despite enduring political instability and the weakening of democratic institutions and in civil society. In Vietnam, economic progress has not so far been accompanied by a parallel improvement of democratic institutions and practice. For future research, it is crucial to study the history of a developing country about political and economic institutions, civil society and its relations with other countries.

Launched as post-2015 development framework for the world, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), popularly known as Global Goals, are based on the premise of ‘leaving no one behind.’ The campaign aims to translate the high awareness levels of people to an increased pressure on governments for delivering on SDGs. Drawing on the theoretical framework of development communication; this study ascertains if the campaign is reaching the stated audience. By analyzing creative choices in designing messages and the media channels used to reach ‘everyone’, the research examines the media narrative of Global Goals. This thesis contributes to development studies and international communication, and highlights the biased logics of development planning. The supplemental files include ‘We the People’ film, an African crowd sourced song to ‘tell everybody’, the fundraiser video featuring Chiwetel Ejiofor, the remake of Spice Girl’s ‘Wannabe’ song and a video that shows the statistics of gender equality.

Daniel Lerner’s „The Passing of Traditional Society“ of 1958 is still one of the most famous American studies in the field of modernization research. This article gives a deeper insight into the background of the emergence of the study. The author describes Lerner’s theoretical and empirical work and its connection to the policy of his time. A classic today in modernization theory, Lerner’s study was initially merely a request for the Voice of America to investigate the use of media in the Middle Eastern region –modernization or development did not yet play a significant role. The article shows how the direction of the study changed from its original intention into a political opinion research and thus into a political propaganda tool.