One of the more popular areas of study in recent times is public opinion research, in the context of prisons, punishment, and other penal practices. Some of the most notable Canadian literature on this topic was published during the Harper era government, which further transitioned Canada into an increasingly neoliberal society. The gap that can be identified from this literature is that the relationship between politicians and members of the public is the central focus, despite the public not being a monolith of morality, and the obvious reality that there are many social actors who have a stake in punishment and penal practices in Canada. This research analyzed punishment discourses in Canada using the transfer of Terri-Lynne McClintic in 2018 from a medium security penitentiary, to a medium-minimum security Indigenous healing lodge as its case study. Didier Fassin’s moral economy was used to frame this research, combined with a set of three analytical tools; Evelien Tonken’s citizenship regime, Arlie Russel Hochschild’s framing rules and feeling rules, and Jonathan Haidt’s moral emotion families. These concepts were used to make sense of the complex emotions and values that circulate within a moral economy. In order to examine Canada’s moral economy of punishment, 13 news media sources, 4 online comment threads, and 6 Hansard Transcripts were collected and analysed. This research demonstrates how the moral economy of punishment that citizens participate in is actively influenced by neoliberal governance and economics.

This dissertation examines the history of gold mining among the Wanyamongo people of Tarime District from the 1930s to 2009. It argues that the establishment of gold mines in Nyamongo in the early 1930s created intra-community conflicts among the Wanyamongo people. These conflicts divided the community, turning young men against elders and wives against their husbands. This tension rarely reached overt levels during the colonial period, although violent confrontations were not totally absent. However, the conflicts are discernible in the narratives about gold mining. The dissertation argues that these conflictual discourses about gold mining continued into the post-colonial era, although their content changed over time. From the turn of this century these conflicts increasingly became violent. Often characterized as evidence of local communities' opposition to the intrusion of foreign companies I draw on oral sources and Tanzanian archives to argue that such turbulence is best understood by examining the social and economic relations of the residents of such communities. In Nyamongo this violence often pitted unemployed young men against fellow Kuria-speaking men who were employed by the mine as guards and in the Community Relations Department. I also argue that the young men who invaded the mine did not want the mine to close because their very survival was dependent upon the presence of a large company that can bring deeper ore to the surface. The dissertation also argues that, contrary to common wisdom that recognizes the Second World War as the beginning of the decline of the gold mining sector, in the Lake Province gold production actually continued to increase until the late 1950s. I also argue that when these mines closed in the 1960s and early 1970s it was not because of Julius Nyerere's economic policy, as is commonly believed. When Nyerere's government nationalized the industry in 1973, all of Tanzania's big gold mines had already closed. In the 1970s and 1980s Tanzania experienced an economic crisis marked by high inflation and a shortage of basic commodities. I argue that the miners of Nyamongo escaped this crisis because gold allowed them to engage in a lucrative trade that revolved around the smuggling of gold to Kenya. The dissertation also shows that when the Tanzanian government adopted neo-liberal economic reforms in the mid-1980s, the residents of Nyamongo embraced large-scale foreign investment in the form of an Australian-owned mining company. This embrace challenges the conventional view that depicts foreign mining companies as unwanted intruders in Tanzania's mining communities and the local small-scale miners as victims of neo-liberal economic policies.

Die vorliegende Arbeit wollte eine Antwort auf die Frage geben, was das wirtschaftliche und soziale Handeln tadschikischer Kolchosbauern seit den 1960er Jahren leitete. Das Kernargument der Arbeit ist, dass die Bauern auch nach der Industrialisierung der Agrarproduktion an einem vorindustriellen Wirtschaftshandeln festhielten. Zum vorindustriellen Wirtschaftsverhalten gehörten zum einen familiengetragene Bauernwirtschaften, zum anderen bewährte Formen von Reziprozität wie Patron-Klientel-Strukturen, redistributive Ausgaben für die Dorfgemeinschaft und die kollektive Nutzung von Ressourcen. Das Konzept, dass die Existenz im Sinne der vormodernen moral economy über soziale Bindungen gesichert wird, hatte während der Sowjetperiode Bestand. Die Fortdauer einer vormodernen Wirtschaftsgesinnung zeigt sich auch darin, dass die Bauern in den peripheren Gebieten (Kaukasus, Mittelasien) stärker als die Bauern in den zentralen Regionen der Sowjetunion die persönliche Nebenerwerbswirtschaft für die Steigerung ihres Einkommens nutzten. Die Steigerung der privaten Hoflandproduktion seit den 1960er Jahren ging mit einer sozialen und kulturellen Re-Traditionalisierung einher. Dank der konzilianten Haltung, die die Brežnev-Führung gegenüber den Muslimen einnahm, und den gestiegenen Einnahmen aus dem informellen Sektor lebten lokales Brauchtum und lokale Festkultur wieder auf. Die Befunde zur sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Situation in der Maxim-Gorki-Kolchose stellen die von James Scott vorgebrachte These in Frage, wonach die sowjetische Agrarmodernisierung als Misserfolg einzuschätzen sei. Die sowjetische Transformation brachte an der tadschikischen Peripherie eine komplexe Variante der Moderne hervor, in der sowjetische und traditionelle Identitäten gleichzeitig nebeneinander gut funktionierten. Diese subjektiven und lokalen Perspektiven müssen ebenso bei der Frage berücksichtigt werden, ob man das Verhältnis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie als kolonial bezeichnen kann. / The present doctoral dissertation aimed to explore economic and social motives behind peasant activities in Tajik kolkhozes since the 1960s. The core-argument of the dissertation is that the Soviet agrarian modernization production could not overcome the peasants’ preindustrial mentality. Like pre-modern societies the rural Tajik communities were shaped by the family household economy and by different patterns of reciprocity such as the exchange of food, protective patron-clientele-relationships, the collective use of village resources and prestigious, redistributive expenditures of village elites. The concept that social ties secure one’ s existence as defined by the moral economy endured during the Soviet Period. The persistence of a preindustrial mentality also become apparent that the peasants of the Soviet periphery more intensely than the peasants of the central regions used the “personal garden plot economy”. The rise of the family production in the Brezhnev-Era went along with a social, cultural and political re-traditionalisation. Due to a more conciliatory attitude towards the Muslims and against the backdrop of the declining ideological appeal of Communism in the Brezhnev era, the kolkhoz farmers began to spend the increased revenues from the private fruit and vegetable trade for costly celebrations of life-cycle and religious holidays. In Tajikistan, the establishment of the new district (oblast') Kurganteppa in 1976, offered the opportunity to purchase posts in politics and administration. The findings concerning the social and economic situation in the Maxim-Gorki-Kolkhoz challenge James Scott’s thesis, that the Soviet agrarian modernization has to be regarded as a failure. The Soviet transformation generated a complex form of modernity, which smoothly combined traditional and Soviet identities. These local perspectives also have to be taken into account in the debate, if the relationship between Moscow and its Central Asian periphery was colonial or not.

O uso de crack por mulheres, principalmente durante a gestação, é considerado um problema de saúde pública no Brasil. Diante dessa conjuntura, interessounos compreender como as práticas de saúde direcionadas às gestantes que usam crack são atravessadas por princípios e escolhas produzidos culturalmente. Sendo assim, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar como a economia moral opera nas cenas de cuidado em relação à atenção a gestantes que fazem uso de crack. Utilizamos como operador conceitual central a noção de economia moral, do modo como foi desenvolvida por Didier Fassin. Esse conceito auxilia na compreensão dos valores e lógicas de legitimidade acionadas na relação de profissionais da saúde com as gestantes, que conformam os tratamentos direcionados às vidas. Tratase de uma pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida em dois serviços de saúde no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, que se propõem a atender gestantes que usam crack: um Consultório na Rua e uma Unidade de Internação Psiquiátrica em um Hospital Materno Infantil. O corpus analítico configurase a partir de observaçõesparticipantes no cotidiano dos serviços, relatos em diário de campo, análise de prontuários e de entrevistas com profissionais. Assim, percebemos que a economia moral opera, neste campo, sustentada, principalmente, nas concepções dos/as profissionais sobre maternidade e sobre drogas, construídas na interação entre as lógicas de modelos de atenção, valores compartilhados pelas equipes de saúde, formação profissional e experiências pessoais. A legitimidade conferida às vidas conforma práticas nos serviços direcionadas às gestantes, como as propostas terapêuticas, as escolhas reprodutivas, a avaliação das condições de maternidade e o maior ou menor investimento na relação da mulher com seu/sua filho/a. / The use of crack cocaine by women, especially pregnant women, is considered a public health issue in Brazil. Facing this conjuncture made us interested in understanding how health practices directed toward crack users who are pregnant are crossed with principles and choices that are culturally produced. This way, the main goal of this research is to analyze how the moral economy operates in relation to caretaking of pregnant women who use crack. As the central conceptual operator the notion of moral economy was used, as it was developed by Didier Fassin. This concept helps to understand the values and the logic of legitimacy triggered in the relationships of health professionals with the pregnant women who conform to the treatments directed towards life. This research dealt with an ethnographic research developed in two health service providers from the state of Rio Grande do Sul which propose to take in pregnant women who are crack users: one Clinic in the Street, and another psychiatric unit for hospitalization in a MaternalInfant Hospital. The analytical corpus was formed from participant observations of the daily services, accounts of field journals, analysis of health records and interviews with the professionals. With this, it was perceived that the moral economy operates in this field, supported especially in the conceptions of the professionals about maternity and drugs, built up on the interaction between the logic of the models caretaking, values shared by the health staff, professional background, and personal experiences. The legitimacy conferred to life is in conformity with the practices delivered in the services directed towards the pregnant women, such as the therapeutic proposals, reproductive choices, the evaluation of the conditions of maternity, and the more or less investment in the relationship of the women with her child.

This thesis concentrates on the Kwara'ae people of a peri-urban settlement named Gilbert Camp. Originally from Malaita (hom), they migrate and settle in Honiara, capital city of Solomon Islands. They articulate their condition in relation to two sets of value oppositions. The first opposes hom as their primitive, isolated, and hopeless province of origin; and Honiara as the modern, all-promising, all-fulfilling arrival city. The second juxtaposes hom as the epitome of unity, cooperation, and sameness, where life is easy; and Honiara as the place where diversity, competition, and separation reign, and life is hard. The Kwara'ae people leave hom and settle in Honiara because they value what lacks in the former and can be found in the latter. But in Honiara they despise some of the things they must confront, and miss what they can have at hom but not in Honiara. For these reasons, they repeatedly declare, "Honiara is hard" (Honiara hemi had). However, rather than interpreting their statements about life in town as the symptom of a negative evaluation, I try to capture the extent to which the Kwara'ae people of Gilbert Camp value their urban life in a positive way. The starkest illustration of their commitment to town life is in their daily efforts to deal with the tensions over the meaning and use of their values in the urban context. I analyse these tensions, challenges, and negotiations in a series of ethnographically grounded case studies. In a peri-urban village of a shrinking Pacific economy where there is a general disproportion between income and mouths to feed, a tension between the priorities of kinship and the need to make ends meet is almost inevitable. Secondly, the confusion surrounding the issue of land causes tensions concerning how land must be dealt with. There is also a tension between customary and state law, and between historical and recent forms of Christianity. Kwara'ae people use their creativity and cultural knowledge to find viable solutions to these tensions, which I argue is an illustration of how much they try to live according to their values on the outskirts of Honiara. It follows that the statement "Honiara is hard" indicates the measure of their efforts, of how intensely they want to live in Honiara according to their values, rather than the measure of how much they want to go back hom. This interpretation has important implications for the anthropology of urban Melanesia. Previous urban ethnographies in Solomon Islands emphasised the reproduction of hom values, rather than the creation of a new hom through the manipulation of contemporary cultural logics. Although the former approach coheres with negative evaluations of the urban context, it does not account for why people leave a place where life is "easy", and settle in a place where it is "hard". In contrast, an approach emphasising the hom-making process inherent in daily value negotiations reveals the contingent, unpredictable, and contested construction of the sense of homeliness with which Kwara'ae people are turning Gilbert Camp into their new hom.

Canadian economic development is heavily reliant on natural resources in the north, which is home to many indigenous communities. Canada is facing increasing pressure to accommodate the cultural distinctiveness of indigenous peoples, and recognize their rights to self-determination within the boundaries of the state. This thesis investigates the customary land use system of Pikangikum First Nation in northwestern Ontario in the context of a community-led land use planning and resource management process, and explores the legacy and contemporary relevance of the Ontario trapline system which was introduced in 1947. Traplines represent the first intervention by the modern state in spatial organization of resource management by First Nations people outside reserves in northern Ontario. For this study, mixed methods were employed, including mapping, life history interviewing, observation in the field, and archival research. Results indicate that Pikangikum's access to resources and decision-making authority has continued to operate according to customary institutions that pre-date the traplines. While traplines were found to reduce flexibility of movement which characterized the customary system, they secured fur harvesting rights for First Nation groups, buffering Euro-Canadian encroachment on Pikangikum's traditional harvesting areas. Recent forestry activity on traplines held by Pikangikum residents indicated that traplines were no longer a sufficient buffer to intrusions. The planning initiative mandated the creation of novel community-level institutions. This process has in turn created new community-level management dilemmas, yet has had important consequences in terms of planning and management authority for Pikangikum vis-à-vis state resource management. The main theoretical contributions of this thesis relate to the commons literature, and pertain both to strategic territorial robustness to interventions of the state and outside intruders, and to moral economic dimensions of community-managed commons undergoing rapid change.

Canadian economic development is heavily reliant on natural resources in the north, which is home to many indigenous communities. Canada is facing increasing pressure to accommodate the cultural distinctiveness of indigenous peoples, and recognize their rights to self-determination within the boundaries of the state. This thesis investigates the customary land use system of Pikangikum First Nation in northwestern Ontario in the context of a community-led land use planning and resource management process, and explores the legacy and contemporary relevance of the Ontario trapline system which was introduced in 1947. Traplines represent the first intervention by the modern state in spatial organization of resource management by First Nations people outside reserves in northern Ontario. For this study, mixed methods were employed, including mapping, life history interviewing, observation in the field, and archival research. Results indicate that Pikangikum's access to resources and decision-making authority has continued to operate according to customary institutions that pre-date the traplines. While traplines were found to reduce flexibility of movement which characterized the customary system, they secured fur harvesting rights for First Nation groups, buffering Euro-Canadian encroachment on Pikangikum's traditional harvesting areas. Recent forestry activity on traplines held by Pikangikum residents indicated that traplines were no longer a sufficient buffer to intrusions. The planning initiative mandated the creation of novel community-level institutions. This process has in turn created new community-level management dilemmas, yet has had important consequences in terms of planning and management authority for Pikangikum \emph{vis-à-vis} state resource management. The main theoretical contributions of this thesis relate to the commons literature, and pertain both to strategic territorial robustness to interventions of the state and outside intruders, and to moral economic dimensions of community-managed commons undergoing rapid change.

O uso de crack por mulheres, principalmente durante a gestação, é considerado um problema de saúde pública no Brasil. Diante dessa conjuntura, interessounos compreender como as práticas de saúde direcionadas às gestantes que usam crack são atravessadas por princípios e escolhas produzidos culturalmente. Sendo assim, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar como a economia moral opera nas cenas de cuidado em relação à atenção a gestantes que fazem uso de crack. Utilizamos como operador conceitual central a noção de economia moral, do modo como foi desenvolvida por Didier Fassin. Esse conceito auxilia na compreensão dos valores e lógicas de legitimidade acionadas na relação de profissionais da saúde com as gestantes, que conformam os tratamentos direcionados às vidas. Tratase de uma pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida em dois serviços de saúde no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, que se propõem a atender gestantes que usam crack: um Consultório na Rua e uma Unidade de Internação Psiquiátrica em um Hospital Materno Infantil. O corpus analítico configurase a partir de observaçõesparticipantes no cotidiano dos serviços, relatos em diário de campo, análise de prontuários e de entrevistas com profissionais. Assim, percebemos que a economia moral opera, neste campo, sustentada, principalmente, nas concepções dos/as profissionais sobre maternidade e sobre drogas, construídas na interação entre as lógicas de modelos de atenção, valores compartilhados pelas equipes de saúde, formação profissional e experiências pessoais. A legitimidade conferida às vidas conforma práticas nos serviços direcionadas às gestantes, como as propostas terapêuticas, as escolhas reprodutivas, a avaliação das condições de maternidade e o maior ou menor investimento na relação da mulher com seu/sua filho/a. / The use of crack cocaine by women, especially pregnant women, is considered a public health issue in Brazil. Facing this conjuncture made us interested in understanding how health practices directed toward crack users who are pregnant are crossed with principles and choices that are culturally produced. This way, the main goal of this research is to analyze how the moral economy operates in relation to caretaking of pregnant women who use crack. As the central conceptual operator the notion of moral economy was used, as it was developed by Didier Fassin. This concept helps to understand the values and the logic of legitimacy triggered in the relationships of health professionals with the pregnant women who conform to the treatments directed towards life. This research dealt with an ethnographic research developed in two health service providers from the state of Rio Grande do Sul which propose to take in pregnant women who are crack users: one Clinic in the Street, and another psychiatric unit for hospitalization in a MaternalInfant Hospital. The analytical corpus was formed from participant observations of the daily services, accounts of field journals, analysis of health records and interviews with the professionals. With this, it was perceived that the moral economy operates in this field, supported especially in the conceptions of the professionals about maternity and drugs, built up on the interaction between the logic of the models caretaking, values shared by the health staff, professional background, and personal experiences. The legitimacy conferred to life is in conformity with the practices delivered in the services directed towards the pregnant women, such as the therapeutic proposals, reproductive choices, the evaluation of the conditions of maternity, and the more or less investment in the relationship of the women with her child.

O uso de crack por mulheres, principalmente durante a gestação, é considerado um problema de saúde pública no Brasil. Diante dessa conjuntura, interessounos compreender como as práticas de saúde direcionadas às gestantes que usam crack são atravessadas por princípios e escolhas produzidos culturalmente. Sendo assim, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar como a economia moral opera nas cenas de cuidado em relação à atenção a gestantes que fazem uso de crack. Utilizamos como operador conceitual central a noção de economia moral, do modo como foi desenvolvida por Didier Fassin. Esse conceito auxilia na compreensão dos valores e lógicas de legitimidade acionadas na relação de profissionais da saúde com as gestantes, que conformam os tratamentos direcionados às vidas. Tratase de uma pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida em dois serviços de saúde no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, que se propõem a atender gestantes que usam crack: um Consultório na Rua e uma Unidade de Internação Psiquiátrica em um Hospital Materno Infantil. O corpus analítico configurase a partir de observaçõesparticipantes no cotidiano dos serviços, relatos em diário de campo, análise de prontuários e de entrevistas com profissionais. Assim, percebemos que a economia moral opera, neste campo, sustentada, principalmente, nas concepções dos/as profissionais sobre maternidade e sobre drogas, construídas na interação entre as lógicas de modelos de atenção, valores compartilhados pelas equipes de saúde, formação profissional e experiências pessoais. A legitimidade conferida às vidas conforma práticas nos serviços direcionadas às gestantes, como as propostas terapêuticas, as escolhas reprodutivas, a avaliação das condições de maternidade e o maior ou menor investimento na relação da mulher com seu/sua filho/a. / The use of crack cocaine by women, especially pregnant women, is considered a public health issue in Brazil. Facing this conjuncture made us interested in understanding how health practices directed toward crack users who are pregnant are crossed with principles and choices that are culturally produced. This way, the main goal of this research is to analyze how the moral economy operates in relation to caretaking of pregnant women who use crack. As the central conceptual operator the notion of moral economy was used, as it was developed by Didier Fassin. This concept helps to understand the values and the logic of legitimacy triggered in the relationships of health professionals with the pregnant women who conform to the treatments directed towards life. This research dealt with an ethnographic research developed in two health service providers from the state of Rio Grande do Sul which propose to take in pregnant women who are crack users: one Clinic in the Street, and another psychiatric unit for hospitalization in a MaternalInfant Hospital. The analytical corpus was formed from participant observations of the daily services, accounts of field journals, analysis of health records and interviews with the professionals. With this, it was perceived that the moral economy operates in this field, supported especially in the conceptions of the professionals about maternity and drugs, built up on the interaction between the logic of the models caretaking, values shared by the health staff, professional background, and personal experiences. The legitimacy conferred to life is in conformity with the practices delivered in the services directed towards the pregnant women, such as the therapeutic proposals, reproductive choices, the evaluation of the conditions of maternity, and the more or less investment in the relationship of the women with her child.

Notre objet est une communauté de 300 à 400 passionnés-collectionneurs de vieux ordinateurs et de vieux jeux vidéo des années 1970-90, autrement appelés « vieilles machines », dispersés dans toute la France ainsi qu’en Belgique et en Suisse. Cette communauté est organisée en premier lieu par des forums sur internet bien qu’émanant d’associations locales. Ces forums servent à l’échange d’informations et de matériel de collection entre passionnés. Un système de valeur riche et complexe organise les relations sociales autours de l’amour et de l’utilisation des vieilles machines, d’une volonté de partage du savoir et du rejet de la spéculation. Le partage est au cœur de l’imaginaire et des pratiques de cette communauté. Il n’est pourtant pas la règle dans les économies qui l’entourent (eBay, brocantes, sites d’enchères divers). Or à l’époque des fondateurs de la communauté vers 1998, les passionnés pouvaient alors s’approvisionner gratuitement ou presque. Ils ont donc ressenti la mise en place d’un marché extérieur comme une forme d’expropriation. Ils ont donc réorganisé les règles de vie et d’échange au sein de la communauté pour contrecarrer la hausse des prix interne que générait la hausse sur le marché extérieur. Ils ont à la fois promu la notion d’échange mutuellement profitable contre l’idée de profit, organisé un système de tabou sur les prix réel des objets, tirant parti du statut de prescripteurs. Ils ont ainsi réussi à créer une niche économique, un marché à bas prix, à l’accès fermement contrôlé mais au sein duquel, une fois intégré, après avoir construit une situation par une « carrière » chacun peut profiter d’un système d’entraide généralisée. / This work is about a community of 300 to 400 hobbyist-collectors of micro-computers and video-games from the 70’s to the 90’s which they call “vieilles machines”. They are scattered all over France, Belgium and Switzerland. This community communicates through online forums although they belong to local offline associations. These forums are mainly used to exchange objects and information among collectors. A rich and complex system of value and representations organizes the social relationships. The main points are: the love of the “vieilles machines”, the will to use them, sharing knowledge and rejection of speculation. Sharing is the very basis of the social imaginary of the community. Sharing isn’t however the rule in neighboring economic systems (eBay, garage sales other online auction websites). Yet, during the first time of the community around 1998, when these objects were only obsolescent technical rubbishes, the community members could collect for free or very few money. Thus they felt as if they have been stolen when an outside market developed and prices increased. As a reaction, they changed social norms and exchange rules inside the community in order to temper the internal increase of the prices caused by outside market’s increase. They both promoted the idea of mutually satisfactory exchange and organized a taboo on the object’s real price using the position of major online opinion leaders on their subjects. They managed to create a niche economy, a low price market in which one cannot integrate easily but in which when fully integrated, after building one’s position through a “career” one can beneficiate from an extend system of generosity and mutual aid.