Contrairement à l’hypothèse de David Harvey (1973) qui considère que le principe de redistribution prend progressivement la place de la réciprocité pour finalement donner lieu à l’économie du marché, nous croyons que c’est de l’intérêt de l’économie dominante de maintenir vivante l’économie morale subordonnée afin de faciliter l’accaparement du contrôle résiduaire des resguardos et ainsi garantir l’expansion du capital dans les territoires autochtones. Si le patronage est la forme d’organisation sociopolitique nécessaire à l’intégration des populations autochtones au marché, ce sont les économies morales précapitalistes qui contribuent à l’expansion du système capitaliste. Ainsi, l’économie morale autochtone devient un instrument de domination qui opère contre cette même population autochtone. Son opération demeure invisible si nous continuons à évaluer les droits autochtones dans le cadre d’un droit non-autochtone, et si nous analysons le problème dans le cadre des langages scientifiques difficilement fondés sur la pensée des populations concernées. Notre recherche aborde la question de l’accaparement du contrôle du point de vue normatif, en examinant les enjeux qui entourent l’entente qui a permis au secteur privé d’exploiter les terres de Wacoyo, une propriété collective localisée au sein de la dernière frontière agricole colombienne. / Contrary to David Harvey’s hypothesis (1973), who considers that the principle of redistribution gradually replaces reciprocity before leading to the market economy, we believe that it is in the interest of the dominant economy to keep alive the underlying moral economy in order to facilitate the residual control grabbing of the resguardos, and thus to guarantee the expansion of the capital in the indigenous territories. If patronage is the form of socio-political organization necessary for the integration of indigenous populations into the market, it is the pre-capitalist moral economies which contribute to the expansion of the capitalist system. Thus, the indigenous moral economy becomes an instrument of domination which operates against this same indigenous population. Its operation remains invisible if we continue to assess indigenous rights in the context of non-indigenous law, and if we analyse the problem in the context of scientific languages hardly based on the thinking of the populations concerned. Our research tackles the question of the control grabbing from a normative point of view, by examining the issues surrounding the agreement that allowed the private sector to exploit a land of Wacoyo, a collective property located within the last Colombian agricultural frontier.

While the concept of the community health worker (CHW) has existed since the mid-20th century, their function as a legitimate branch of the broader workforce in the United States has been tenuous. Their unique roles have the potential to reduce health disparities within marginalized communities, but stakeholder development of this position risks diminishing the crucial skills of these workers. Anthropological research on these workers has typically assessed them in the developing world, while public health research has focused primarily on their ability to impact specific health outcomes through quantitative studies. As a result of the limited and predominantly quantitative assessments of these workers, further research is needed to assess the lived realities of these workers at the grassroots level in the United States. The overarching aim of this project was to document the lived experience of CHWs in Indiana. Additionally, this project assessed their participation in advocacy and the impact of policy development on these workers. A collaborative approach was utilized in this project that embedded the researcher within a CHW organization while also amplifying the voice of the research partners. The project drew on the theoretical lenses of moral economy, deservingness, structural vulnerability, and the “regimes of care” and “politics of care.” The results demonstrate that CHWs face a variety of challenges within the professional workforce but have significant impacts within their communities. These workers emphasize empowerment through advocacy and building client self-sufficiency. Their participation in advocacy is split between impacts at the micro-, macro-, and professional-level. However, legislating the scope and responsibilities of this position by stakeholders unfamiliar with this model risks changing the foundation of the position itself. Steps to incorporate CHWs within the workforce must be collaborative and take into account their lived experience and input in order to allow them agency over the development of their position and to retain the most significant contributions. The contributions of this project are severalfold. First, this project advances theoretical debates within anthropology related to moral economy, regimes of care, politics of care while also addressing the legitimacy of CHWs as a complimentary member of the health care workforce. The findings also illustrate how the political economy of Indiana shapes the moral economy of care within which CHWs operate. Lastly, the project produced applied findings for CHWs, employers, and stakeholders to consider in further development of this position.

This dissertation tests the theories put forth by Mr. E.P. Thompson (The Making of the English Working Class) where he points to 18th century hunger riots as examples of incipient class formation. Using untapped local source documents, the dissertation examines the hunger riots of 1766 one by one and also in regional contexts. The dissertation concludes that issues of class have very little to do with explaining the origins of the hunger riots. Instead, what was involved was an unexpected European-wide failure of the wheat crop following an unusual weather pattern which interrupted the westerly movement of weather masses. The sudden demand for wheat was picked up by English corn merchants and they quickly acted to export large amounts of wheat to reap windfall profits. The English river and canal system, the turnpike roads and the English coastline made rapid export both possible and expedient. Large populations of rural textile workers in East Anglia, the Upper Thames Valley and the West Country were faced with vanishing supplies of bread which they relied upon. The crowds made use of common law concepts and Tudor statutes restricting sale and resale of wheat and establishing the “assize of bread”. The functioning of the central government is closely examined. The episode caught the establishment entirely off guard. Troops were sent, the riots were quashed, the rioters were quickly tried and either hung, deported to North America or merely chastised. The riots show how the industrialization of Britain led to wholly unexpected events and social situations. E.P. Thompson’s thesis was not directly supported by the evidence adduced in this study. In 1776 Adam Smith used the hunger riots of 1766 to show how the private act of hoarding grain for profitable resale could serve the public purpose of avoiding dearth and starvation. The hunger riots of 1766 are therefore what might justly be deemed the “proximate cause” of the free market economy

This dissertation explores the relationship between people’s conceptualisation and use of time in everyday life against the background of the political economy of the late modern welfare state. The main focus lies upon their evaluation of different time-uses in order to approach a better understanding of the moral economy of time. Special consideration is given to the role of commodification of time and the experience of time scarcity. Another topic investigated is the association of time with the striving for ecological sustainability in everyday live. The study is based upon three empirical materials. The first one consists of a subset of Statistic Sweden’s time-use database for inhabitants of Stockholm. The other two materials are qualitative interview studies. One was conducted with 85 unemployed people in Sörmland and Jämtland, the other with 45 inhabitants of Stockholm. The interviewees in the latter study were asked to consider two options for the future of welfare politics in Sweden: increasing wages combined with the same work hours as today or a substantial decrease in working hours accompanied by stagnating wages. Many interviewees consider time scarcity to be an important issue that needs to be integrated into the traditional concept of welfare. Time conflicts in everyday life, also regarding the choice of sustainable options, are solved with a certain moral flexibility still dominated by work ethics. Some interviewees try to articulate counter-images to the commodified concept of time by challenging traditional conceptions of the value of time and envision an ecological sound time use. These attempts draw attention to the importance of temporal commons such as vacations and also the need for a conscious time-politics in order to strengthen temporal welfare.

No description available.

This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.

This ethnography aims to identify the role of the Pentecostal beliefs that peasants in South Brazil use in justifying their life situations. Anthropological data were collected in the Sertão region of Jaguariaíva, in the Brazilian State of Paraná. An interpretative approach was used with concepts including the moral order of peasantness, moral economy, and multiple livelihood strategies. The core results indicated that Pentecostals in the countryside are not monolithic in terms of religion and have varying degrees of engagement with a variety of churches as well as their relations with the wider capitalism. Their economic and life-changing decisions are articulated by a moral order of peasantness expressed by dependence on Providence and the interpretation of events as a revelation of Divine will. The moral order is significant for maintaining viable peasant communities, orienting their relations to land, kinship, work, and consumption in a way that sets them apart from the “world.” Such findings question the Weberian explanations for the role of Pentecostalism in Latin American capitalism and confirm the repeasantization theory concerning the persistence of a distinctive peasant way of life. / Esta etnografia visa identificar o papel das crenças pentecostais com as quais os camponeses do sul do Brasil se expressam para justificar sua subsistência. O trabalho de campo antropológico no Sertão de Jaguariaíva, Paraná, serviu para a coleta de dados. Em uma abordagem interpretativa, a análise emprega conceitos de ordem moral da campesinidade, economia moral e múltiplas estratégias de subsistência. Os principais resultados são: o pentecostalismo rural não é monolítico e conta com diferentes graus de envolvimento com uma variedade de igrejas e com o capitalismo em geral. Não obstante, suas decisões econômicas, ou de grande impacto na vida, são articuladas por uma ordem moral campesina expressa pela espera na providência e pela interpretação de eventos como uma revelação da vontade divina. A ordem moral tem relevância para a manutenção de comunidades camponesas viáveis, orientando suas relações com a terra, o parentesco, o trabalho e o consumo, de modo a distingui-las do “mundo”. Tais resultados juntam-se ao debate das explicações weberianas sobre o papel do pentecostalismo no capitalismo latino-americano e confirmam a teoria do retorno do camponês como categoria e sua persistência como um distinto modo de vida.

Thèse réalisée dans le cadre d'une cotutelle entre l'Université de Montréal et l'Université de Lille / En Bolivie et au Pérou, les régions de production de coca, principales cibles des politiques de lutte contre les drogues depuis les années 1970, sont souvent considérées comme en proie à une certaine « faiblesse », « défaillance » ou « absence » de l’État, et « dominées » par le pouvoir de groupes s’adonnant à des activités criminelles. Menée à partir des cas du Tropique de Cochabamba (Bolivie) et de la Vallée des fleuves Apurímac, Ene et Mantaro (VRAEM, Pérou), premiers foyers de production nationaux d’une coca majoritairement destinée aux marchés illicites, cette recherche s’inscrit à rebours de ces analyses, en montrant que non seulement l’État est bien là, mais qu’il aussi est maintenu et saisi par les organisations rurales de défense de la coca. À partir d’une enquête ethnographique, cette thèse analyse par le bas et dans une perspective comparée les intrications entre économie illicite, mobilisations et États. Elle montre comment fédérations agricoles et syndicales s’appuient sur la coca pour construire des pratiques communales de gouvernement, des identités régionales et des cadrages suffisamment mobilisateurs pour obtenir des politiques de développement censées compenser le « narcotrafic » ou le « narcoterrorisme ». Les dirigeants des organisations sociales construisent leur leadership politique dans la lutte et se positionnent ensuite comme intermédiaires auprès de l’État. Occuper des fonctions administratives et électives leur permet alors de diriger davantage de ressources publiques vers leurs régions d’origine, de défendre la coca dans les institutions, voire de retracer les frontières entre activités légales et illégales. Culture de la coca et politiques de développement deviennent alors des ressources constitutives de l’économie morale des cultivateurs. Ces processus se donnent néanmoins à voir différemment. Au Tropique de Cochabamba, il s’agit d’une saisie corporatiste, propre aux liens forts qui unissent les syndicats de cultivateurs de coca, le MAS, parti au pouvoir jusqu’en 2019, et l’État bolivien. Cette modalité a permis aux syndicats d’obtenir des ressources publiques, des droits, de désigner ses intermédiaires en échange d’un soutien au parti et au gouvernement. Au VRAEM, le faible ancrage des partis politiques dans la société péruvienne laisse le champ libre aux dirigeants de la fédération agricole pour saisir l’État selon une logique entrepreneuriale, par laquelle ils font valoir des ressources propres et des relations pour la plupart extérieures à leur région d’origine. Le détour par ces régions éclaire les relations entre secteurs populaires et État et contribue à décloisonner l’étude des mouvements sociaux. La comparaison en miroir offre une palette d’outils pour appréhender « l’art de saisir l’État » à travers une sociologie des organisations, des syndicats et des partis politiques. / The coca growing regions of Bolivia and Peru have been a focal point of drug control policies in these two countries since the 1970s. These regions are often portrayed as being subject to a weak, failed or even absent state, and under the control of criminal groups. Focusing on the Tropic of Cochabamba (Bolivia) and VRAEM (Peru) regions, the main national hotbeds of coca mostly destined for illicit markets, this research challenges this idea by showing that not only is the State present, but that it is also maintained and seized by rural coca-producing organizations. Based on an ethnographic survey, I study from the ground and in a comparative perspective the interplay between the illicit economy, social movements and the State itself. I show how agricultural and trade union federations use coca to build communal government practices, regional identities and frameworks to mobilize and obtain development policies meant to compensate for "narcotrafficking" or "narcoterrorism". The leaders of social organizations build their political leadership from the struggle and then place themselves as intermediaries with the State. Occupying administrative and elective functions allows them to channel more public resources to their native regions, to defend coca in institutions, and even to redraw the boundaries between legal and illegal activities. As such, coca cultivation and development policies become resources that constitute the moral economy of the growers. However, the views behind these political processes differ from one region to the other. In the Tropic of Cochabamba, it is a corporatist seizing process, inherent to the strong ties between the coca growers' unions, the MAS party in power until 2019, and the Bolivian state. This has allowed the unions to obtain public resources, rights, and the appointment of its intermediaries in exchange for support to the party and the government. In the VRAEM, the weak anchoring of political parties in Peruvian society enables agricultural federation leaders to seize the state through an entrepreneurial logic. They assert their own resources and relations, mostly outside their home region. The detour through these regions sheds light on the relations between the informal popular sectors and the State and broadens the scope of the study of social movements. The comparison thus offers a range of tools to apprehend the "art of seizing the state" through a sociology of organizations, unions and political parties. / En Bolivia y en el Perú, las regiones productoras de coca, principales blancos de las políticas de lucha contra las drogas desde los años 70, suelen ser consideradas como zonas afectadas por la "debilidad", el "fracaso" o la "ausencia" del Estado y "dominadas" por el poder de los grupos criminales. Partiendo de los casos del Trópico de Cochabamba (Bolivia) y del VRAEM (Perú), principales focos nacionales de producción de una coca mayormente destinada a los mercados ilícitos, la presente investigación contrasta con esos análisis. Demuestro que no sólo está presente el Estado, sino que también está mantenido y tomado por las organizaciones rurales de defensa de la coca. Sobre la base de un estudio etnográfico, esta tesis analiza desde abajo y con una perspectiva comparativa las interrelaciones entre la economía ilícita, las movilizaciones y los Estados. Muestro como las federaciones agrícolas y sindicales usan la coca para construir prácticas comunales de gobierno, identidades regionales, marcos de acción colectiva para obtener políticas de desarrollo que supuestamente compensan al "narcotráfico" o al “narcoterrorismo". Los líderes de las organizaciones sociales construyen su liderazgo político en la lucha y se posicionan como intermediarios con el Estado. Al ocupar funciones administrativas y electivas, pueden dirigir más recursos públicos a sus regiones de origen, defender la coca en las instituciones e incluso trazar los límites entre las actividades legales e ilegales. De esta forma, el cultivo de la coca y las políticas de desarrollo se convierten en recursos que constituyen la economía moral de los agricultores. Sin embargo, estos procesos se ven de manera distinta. En el Trópico de Cochabamba, se trata de una apropiación del Estado corporativista, caracterizada por los fuertes lazos entre los sindicatos de cocaleros, el MAS, partido en el poder hasta 2019, y el Estado boliviano. Esta modalidad ha permitido a los sindicatos obtener recursos públicos, derechos y la designación de sus intermediarios a cambio de apoyo al partido y al gobierno. En el VRAEM, el escaso asentamiento de los partidos políticos en la sociedad peruana permite a los líderes de las federaciones agrícolas apropiarse del Estado a través de una lógica empresarial. Hacen valer sus propios recursos y relaciones, en su mayoría fuera de su región de origen. El camino por estas regiones aclara las relaciones entre los sectores populares y el Estado y contribuye a ampliar el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Así, la comparación ofrece una gama de herramientas para aprehender el "arte de apropiarse del Estado" a través de una sociología de organizaciones, sindicatos y partidos políticos.

Myths are intimately connected with emotions, but what the nature of the relationship really means, what it is, and how it functions are in many ways vague and unspecified. This is an examination of how, when and where emotions are referenced in theories of myth. The purpose is to point in a direction of possible new questions for future research on emotions and myth. Three major themes, centered around three major theorists of myth, are examined. The first treats perspectives of, and inspired by, Lucien Lévy-Bruhl. It is a theme based around views of myth as creating collective emotions. The second theme, centered around Bronislaw Malinowski, examines theories understanding myth as handling difficult emotions. The third theme deals with perspectives from Claude Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist theory of myth, where myth is seen as mediating contradictions, and thereby also mediating emotions of the contradictions. The three themes are then examined in relation to theories from the burgeoning history of emotions. New theoretical positions, such as the bodily and moral aspects of emotions, are examined and the result suggests that the central connection between myth and emotions could be found in humankind’s ever present concern to regulate, to discipline, and to form expressions of emotions.

[pt] A figura da migrante trabalhadora do sexo pode ser interpretada de múltiplas formas de acordo com interesses, visões morais e objetivos políticos dos atores em jogo. Este trabalho analisa as perspectivas de segurança, gênero e resistência promovidas, respectivamente, por atores governamentais, associações e pelas próprias migrantes brasileiras na França. Investiga como as interações sociopolíticas das brasileiras trabalhadoras do sexo cisgêneros e transgêneros configuram, em conjunto, uma economia moral da mobilidade de trabalhadores sexuais. Mais especificamente, esta tese tem como intuito elucidar de que forma o rótulo de vítima vulnerável, por um lado, e os de criminosa, cafetina, clandestina e transgressora, por outro, são produzidos e mobilizados pelos diferentes atores envolvidos na regulação da migração laboral sexual. A análise realizada neste trabalho baseia-se em pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica, descrevendo o campo da prostituição brasileira nas cidades francesas de Paris, Lyon e Toulouse. A partir dessa imersão, a tese demonstra como as articulações existentes entre a categoria de vitima - de tráfico, de exploração laboral sexual, do patriarcado, do capitalismo desigual - e a categoria de criminosa - por cafetinar as amigas, por ser clandestina, por alimentar o mercado negro, por exercer uma atividade imoral - são mobilizadas nesse contexto. Revela uma realidade altamente nuançada e ambivalente, uma vez que as brasileiras prostitutas são muitas vezes, ao mesmo tempo vítimas e autônomas, manipuladas e oportunistas, cafetinas e exploradas. / [en] The migrant sex worker character can be interpreted in multiple ways according to the interests, moral views and political goals of relevant stakeholders within this context. This work analyzes how the perspectives of security, gender and resistance, respectively promoted by government actors, associative agents and the subjects themselves reverberate in the empirical practice, that is, through the interactions of Brazilian cisgender and transgender sex workers with the other actors surrounding them and with whom they together configure the moral economy of the mobility of sex workers. More specifically, this thesis aims to investigate how the label of vulnerable and naive victim on the one hand, and the labels of criminal, pimp, illegal and transgressive on the other are produced and mobilized by the different actors involved in the regulation of sexual labor migration. The analysis carried out in this work is based on ethnographic-inspired research, describing the field of Brazilian prostitution in the French cities of Paris, Lyon and Toulouse. From this immersion, the thesis demonstrates how the articulations between the category of victim - of trafficking, of sexual labor exploitation, of patriarchy, of unequal capitalism - and the category of criminal - for pimping friends, for being clandestine, for feeding the black market, for exercising an immoral activity - are mobilized in this context. It reveals a highly nuanced and ambivalent reality, since Brazilian prostitutes are often simultaneously victims and autonomous, manipulated and opportunists, pimps and exploited.