In the second half of the 18th century, the Stockholm retail trades started to organise themselves in legal corporations, called trade societies. In this, they were frequently opposed by the State. Swedish society was still basically a corporatist society, based on privileged bodies, with defined functions and rights. Corporations on a concrete level, claiming legal status as intermediaries between the Individual and the public did, however, not fit into the plans of the State anymore. This dissertation deals with the following problems concerning this late addition to the corporate world of early-modern Sweden: What were the driving forces behind this corporate formation? And what were its consequences, for the relations between corporation and individual on the one hand, and between the corporations and the public on the other? The theoretical framework includes a discussion concerning conflicting conceptions of property. I will argue that the corporate ideals presuppose an 'embedded' notion of property, whereas 'new' ideas of property as a purely material commodity were starting to make their way into 18th century Swedish society. The second theoretical assumption is, that the action of the trade societies may be seen from a petite bourgeoisie perspective, where both the preconditions for their business and social status, as well as their collective action, show great affinity with that of advocates of petty property and small-scale business in the late 19th and early 20th century. I will argue that the combined phenomena of perceived relative deprivation and subsequent real economic hardship proved conducive to the decision of the retail trades to start forming proper corporations, meaning legally recognised (and protected) occupational associations. This process included a shift of strategy, as the trade societies turned inward: A closer adherence to the question of a moral economy, and claims to mutuality and surveillance within the society, were combined with strengthened claims concerning the question of credentials and professional skill. In their relations to individuals, the trade societies were obvious exponents of the patriarchal society. Young men within the retail trades, although closely supervised, faced reasonably fair chances of one day becoming tradesmen, burgesses and members of the corporation. Where conformity was lacking, however, both corporations and individuals were prone to litigation. The strengthened legal position of the trade societies proved to be conducive also to strengthened position vis-à-vis individuals. During the latter part of the century, the municipal courts showed greater adherence to the arguments and statutes of the corporations. The patriarchal system did also contain the relations between men and women. Here is introduced the concept of the corporate gender-order, for describing the trade societies' relations to women within and in the periphery of the corporation. Independent women, working outside any patriarchal control, was seen as a serious threat to the identity of these trades as exclusive, and as 'professions'. As a conclusion the retailers show a certain affinity with the petite bourgeoisie, in their individual as well as their collective behaviour.

Using remittances as a topical background, this project addresses the following questions: 1 how remittances arise out of a translocal relationship — that is, real movements of people, commodities, ideas, and symbols — and cross spatial distances and borders with a certain regularity; 2 how these remittances create arenas in which the processes of territorialization, deterritorialization, and reterritorialization take place and are negotiated; and 3 whether transnational economic spaces emerge out of these negotiations as a spatial format.

Au cours des dernières décennies du XXème siècle, dans le monde occidental, les politiques destinées à protéger l’enfance ont subi de profonds changements. D’abord, suite à la découverte de la maltraitance infantile dans les années 60 aux États-Unis, à sa constitution comme problème social durant les décennies suivantes et à son expansion bien au-delà des frontières nord-américaines. Ensuite, avec la ratification par la plupart des pays du monde d’un traité international qui reconnaît l’enfant comme un sujet de droits (1989). Cette thèse a cherché à comprendre d’une part, comment ces transformations globales se sont ancrées en Argentine et comment leur imbrication a donné lieu à la mise en place de la politique contemporaine de protection de l’enfant en danger. D’une autre, s’appuyant sur une ethnographie des services de protection de l’enfance situés dans les quartiers populaires de la Ville de Buenos Aires, cette recherche s’est interrogée sur la prise en charge quotidienne de la maltraitance infantile. À partir de l’analyse des discours et des pratiques des intervenants, elle cherche à comprendre les modalités et les implications du traitement politique et moral de l’enfant en danger dans le monde contemporain. / During the last few decades of the 20th century, state policies aimed at protecting children underwent profound changes across the Western world. These changes can be attributed, first and foremost, to the “discovery” of child abuse in the 1960s in the United States, its construction as a social problem and repercussions across the globe in the following decades. On the other hand, the ratification of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the (1989) by most countries in the world contributed to this process of change.This thesis explores how these global transformations were translated in Argentina into a national policy for the protection of endangered children. Based on an ethnographic study on child protection services in poor neighborhoods in the city of Buenos Aires, the day-to-day management of child abuse is examined. An analysis of the local discourses and practices of state agents provides insight into the methods and implications of the political and moral treatment of endangered children in the world today.

<p>Mellan år 1984-2000 ökade andelen aktieägare bland Sveriges befolkning markant, från 29 till 80 %, för att mellan år 2000 och 2008 ligga stabilt runt 80 %. Då allt fler får sin inkomst från kapital och inte endast från arbete borde detta leda till nya normativa föreställningar kring välfärdsstatens utformning och finansiering. Studien jämför kvantitativa studier kring utbredningen av aktieägandet och attityder till välfärdsstatens institutioner och premisser mellan åren 1984-2008. Med aktieägande avses en inkluderande definition av både direkt ägande av enskilda aktieposter samt innehav av fondandelar, såsom pensionsfonder. Studiens primära hypotes är att ökat aktieägande leder till mer negativa attityder till välfärdsstaten. Därtill antas fusket inom välfärdssektorerna öka samt misstänksamheten om fusk tillta medan klasskillnader inom åsikter rörande välfärdsstaten förväntas minska. Centrala teoretiska utgångspunkter är reciprocitet, moralisk ekonomi, historisk institutionalism och spårberoende. Det alltmer utbredda aktieägande liknas vid processer i riktning mot ett massinvesteringssamhälle där vardagen tenderar att finansialiseras alltmer. Studiens resultat ger inget stöd för hypoteserna. Stödet för välfärdsstaten verkar inte ha förändrats nämnvärt under undersökningsperioden. Inte heller verkar klasskillnaderna i åsikter kring välfärdsstaten, fusket inom välfärdssektorerna samt misstänksamheten om fuskets utbreddhet ha förändrats nämnvärt. Dessa resultat beror troligen på flera orsaker. Bland annat tenderar aktieägandet att vara mycket ojämnt fördelat bland Sveriges befolkning.</p> / <p>Between the years 1984-2000 it became increasingly common to own stocks in Sweden. Among the whole population stock ownership increased from 29 to 80 % until year 2000, and was thereafter around 80 % until present day, 2008. As more people receive disposable income not only from labour, but also from capital, their attitudes regarding how the welfare state should be financed and organized, should change. Stock ownership here includes both traditional private stocks and also savings in stock funds. The paper’s main hypothesis is that increased stock ownership will have a negative impact on attitudes towards the welfare state. Also cheating in the welfare sectors and the suspicion about others cheating is believed to increase while class differences concerning attitudes towards the welfare state are believed to diminish. Central theoretical themes are reciprocity, moral economy, historical institutionalism and path dependency. The increased stock ownership is described as a process in the direction towards a mass investment society, where everyday life tends to become financialized to a growing extent. The results show no support for the hypotheses. Attitudes and opinions concerning the welfare state seem to be stable during the whole time period. Neither seems there to be any significant sign of diminishing class differences regarding attitudes towards the welfare state, nor any growing suspicion concerning cheating within the welfare sectors nor any actual growth of cheating. These results might depend on a number of reasons. For one, stock ownership seems to a large extent be unequally distributed among the population of Sweden.</p>

Mellan år 1984-2000 ökade andelen aktieägare bland Sveriges befolkning markant, från 29 till 80 %, för att mellan år 2000 och 2008 ligga stabilt runt 80 %. Då allt fler får sin inkomst från kapital och inte endast från arbete borde detta leda till nya normativa föreställningar kring välfärdsstatens utformning och finansiering. Studien jämför kvantitativa studier kring utbredningen av aktieägandet och attityder till välfärdsstatens institutioner och premisser mellan åren 1984-2008. Med aktieägande avses en inkluderande definition av både direkt ägande av enskilda aktieposter samt innehav av fondandelar, såsom pensionsfonder. Studiens primära hypotes är att ökat aktieägande leder till mer negativa attityder till välfärdsstaten. Därtill antas fusket inom välfärdssektorerna öka samt misstänksamheten om fusk tillta medan klasskillnader inom åsikter rörande välfärdsstaten förväntas minska. Centrala teoretiska utgångspunkter är reciprocitet, moralisk ekonomi, historisk institutionalism och spårberoende. Det alltmer utbredda aktieägande liknas vid processer i riktning mot ett massinvesteringssamhälle där vardagen tenderar att finansialiseras alltmer. Studiens resultat ger inget stöd för hypoteserna. Stödet för välfärdsstaten verkar inte ha förändrats nämnvärt under undersökningsperioden. Inte heller verkar klasskillnaderna i åsikter kring välfärdsstaten, fusket inom välfärdssektorerna samt misstänksamheten om fuskets utbreddhet ha förändrats nämnvärt. Dessa resultat beror troligen på flera orsaker. Bland annat tenderar aktieägandet att vara mycket ojämnt fördelat bland Sveriges befolkning. / Between the years 1984-2000 it became increasingly common to own stocks in Sweden. Among the whole population stock ownership increased from 29 to 80 % until year 2000, and was thereafter around 80 % until present day, 2008. As more people receive disposable income not only from labour, but also from capital, their attitudes regarding how the welfare state should be financed and organized, should change. Stock ownership here includes both traditional private stocks and also savings in stock funds. The paper’s main hypothesis is that increased stock ownership will have a negative impact on attitudes towards the welfare state. Also cheating in the welfare sectors and the suspicion about others cheating is believed to increase while class differences concerning attitudes towards the welfare state are believed to diminish. Central theoretical themes are reciprocity, moral economy, historical institutionalism and path dependency. The increased stock ownership is described as a process in the direction towards a mass investment society, where everyday life tends to become financialized to a growing extent. The results show no support for the hypotheses. Attitudes and opinions concerning the welfare state seem to be stable during the whole time period. Neither seems there to be any significant sign of diminishing class differences regarding attitudes towards the welfare state, nor any growing suspicion concerning cheating within the welfare sectors nor any actual growth of cheating. These results might depend on a number of reasons. For one, stock ownership seems to a large extent be unequally distributed among the population of Sweden.

<p>Through a case study of Carteret County, North Carolina, this research explores historic and contemporary narratives about fishery resource-use issues (e.g., conflicts over ocean spaces and species, disputes over fisheries governance, competing claims about the value of fish and fishing) in order to contribute to nature-society research in the fields of political ecology, cultural and economic geography, and environmental history. This project has three main objectives: (1) To analyze how historic narratives about fish and fishing have changed over the past century; (2) To evaluate the resource-use narratives of contemporary commercial and recreational fishers; and (3) To examine the process of state fisheries policymaking.</p><p>This project employed discourse analysis to analyze historic newspaper articles, contemporary interviews with commercial and recreational fishers, and North Carolina Marine Fisheries Commission meeting records. This research showed increasing frictions between commercial and recreational fishers over time, precipitated by state regulatory decisions and increasingly divergent interpretations by fishers of the proper roles for fish in environmental, economic, and social systems. Commercial and recreational fishers had distinct ways of thinking about fishery resources, shaped by their personal fishing histories as well as larger socioeconomic trends. In particular, though both types of fishers would agree that `fish are valuable public resources that should not be wasted,' their definitions of value, public, and waste were very different. Further, both recreational and commercial narratives are expressed within the policy process, and most policymaker decisions are compromises between commercial and recreational arguments. Political alliances frequently shift, but Division of Marine Fisheries staff (and their reports) often display substantial power to influence decision-making. Fish stock assessments often serve as objects around which moral arguments are made about how fisheries should be managed and allocated. </p><p>Overall, this research indicates that valuing nature also means valuing particular types of interactions between human and nonhuman nature (in this case fish). Further, different modes of interacting with fishery resources over decades have worked to separate recreational and commercial fishers socially and politically (leading to clashes where they overlap spatially). Where these cultural politics matter most is in struggles over the purpose of different types of fish and the meaning of central concepts in fisheries management, as the outcomes have implications for both the practical use of resources and the character and scale of governing institutions.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis challenges the view that the Republic of Mali is a model of democratization in Africa with the aim of opening the conceptual framework of democratic citizenship inherent in the democratization discourse to greater critical scrutiny. The ‘enthusiastic’ view is held and set forth by various segments of the unity-seeking ruling class (local and foreign, State and NGO) of bringing to Mali a Western-oriented, procedurally minimal democracy, and citizen identity commensurate with international financial institutions’ and donor countries’ vision of democratization as political and economic liberalization. Consequently, this hegemonic project co-opts selected indigenous and Islamic idioms of political and social identity, to reinvent democratization as ‘moral governance.’ Cosmopolitan upper and upper-middle class actors thus apologize for highly personalized politics at the national and local levels, and articulate these more broadly with idioms of recovering rectitude and social cohesion that preserve and reproduce hierarchical social norms. In Malian political culture and in the scholarship of Malian political change, the hegemonic project of citizen identity formation becomes more evident as a construction, as discourses, norms, and practices produced and reproduced by privileged actors. Moreover, the contested character of these constructions becomes evident only as we address the development and deployment of selectively synthesized indigenous, Islamic, and Western-democratic norms, practices, and institutions of citizenship in contemporary Mali. Without a more embedded sense of political membership and identity, the merely procedural democratic project remains vulnerable to challenges from multiple, alternative sites of moral, social, and political authority. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2007-10-05 14:29:24.802

En Bolivie, si les victoires électorales d’Evo Morales - le premier président « indigène » du pays - ont confirmé la force du mouvement rural bolivien, celui-ci ne reste pas moins divisé. Dans les Andes, l’organisation indigène des ayllus affronte l’organisation paysanne syndicale pour le contrôle et la définition du monde rural. La recherche présentée ici analyse ce dualisme organisationnel dans la région du Nord Potosi, à partir du concept d’« économie morale » et de l’étude de la communauté « paysanne-indigène ». La recherche accorde un rôle central au travail de terrain réalisé, tant au niveau régional qu’au niveau local avec l’étude de cas de l’ayllu Chiro, sans oublier les connexions avec le national et l’international. Elle a pour objectif de comprendre les facteurs historiques et structurels de ce dualisme, mais aussi d’analyser les constructions actuelles des catégories sociales « paysanne » et « indigène ». Le dualisme s’amplifie en effet avec l’intégration à l’économie de marché et de la société dominante autour de la gestion de la main d'œuvre et des ressources naturelles. Il s’amplifie aussi avec l’émergence de nouveaux leaders au sein des organisations sociales, qui jouent le rôle d’« intermédiaires » entre la communauté et la société environnante. Formés dans les écoles et institutions de la société environnante, ces leaders sont entrés dans une lutte au sein des différents champs du pouvoir pour représenter le monde rural autant que pour le définir. De cette dynamique, se construit une « frontière symbolique » entre les deux organisations, dont la finalité est la conquête du pouvoir politique et la gestion des projets de développement. / Evo Morales’s electoral victories - the first “indigenous” president of Bolivia - have confirmed the power of the bolivien rural movement, but it’s still stays divided. In the Andes, the Ayllus indigenous organization fights against the rural union organization for the control and the definition of the rural world. The researches analyse here this organizational dualism in the Northern Potosi, thought the “moral economy” concept and the study of the “peasant-indigenous” community. The investigation is mainly based on the fieldwork done, in the regional area, the local case of Chiro Ayllu, and the national and international connexions. Its Goal is to understand here the historical and structural processes of this dualism and analyse the actual constructions of the social categories of “peasant” and “indigenous”.The dualism is growing with the integration to the market economy and to the dominant society about the management of the Labor and natural resources. It also grows with the emergence of new leaders in the social organization, wich plays a role of intermediate between the community and the global society. Educated in shools and institutions of global society, those leaders started a a fight in different space of power to represent and define the rural world. A “symbolic boundary” between the two organizations is building from this actions, which the finality is the conquest of the politic power and the management of the development projects.

A partir de la preocupación de muchos en la sociedad, real y permanente en unos y circunstancialen otros, por la moralidad en la vida pública y aun privada, se presentan y discuten algunos conceptosrelevantes en la materia y se los refiere a las profesiones y en particular a la Economía. Setrata enseguida de precisar las condiciones para un ejercicio ético de la profesión de economistay lo que esto implica para el conjunto de la profesión y para las personas. Por último, se planteanalgunos problemas específicos que aparecen en el ejercicio profesional dado el importante gradode desarrollo de la disciplina y el conjunto de problemas y de expectativas en la sociedad, asícomo el riesgo de convalidar faltas de ética por ausencia de sanción oportuna y adecuada. -- This paper addresses an ongoing debate on significant concepts about morality in public andeven private life, and their relationships with economist. It entails a concern of several scholars(more permanent for some of them and more circumstantial for others), and attempts to get aprecise view of the conditions for a professional performance that goes according to an ethicalcommitment and a concern for the people. Finally, it describes some specific problems that appearin the professional performance due to the importance of the discipline within ongoingsocial problems and expectations, and due to the permanent risk of validating ethical faultsbecause of a lack of adequate sanctioning.

Au cours des dernières années, le Burkina Faso a connu une croissance spectaculaire de ces activités minières. Depuis le milieu des années 1990, l’État burkinabè a entamé la libéralisation de ce secteur et accorde désormais des permis de recherche et des autorisations à des opérateurs économiques privés. De nombreuses sociétés minières internationales explorent aujourd’hui leurs concessions tandis que, au même moment et parfois en des lieux identiques, des milliers de chercheurs d'or ouest-africains implantent des camps miniers à travers tout le pays. La présente thèse de doctorat porte sur la région Sud-Ouest du Burkina Faso, historiquement réputée pour abriter de riches gisements aurifères. Tout d'abord, cette étude se concentre sur les aspects historiques et culturels de l'exploitation et du commerce de l’or. Puis, le mode de vie et l'économie morale des orpailleurs sont décrits et analysés. Enfin, les investigations soulignent les interactions entre les communautés minières et une large gamme d'acteurs exogènes : les habitants des villages riverains, les autorités locales et centrales, les compagnies minières nationales et internationales. Ces relations révèlent l'autonomie sociopolitique relative des communautés minières vis-à-vis du « monde extérieur ». Ces liens s'étendent du niveau local aux sphères nationale et internationale, démontrant la complexité de la compréhension d'un tel champ stratégique. / Over the last few years, Burkina Faso has witnessed a dramatic growth of mining activities. From the 90’s on, the state of Burkina Faso has initiated the liberalization of his mining sector. Henceforth, the state grants research permits and authorizations to private operators. Many international mining companies explore their concessions while - at the same time and sometimes the same place - thousands of West African gold seekers set up mining camps all over the country. The present doctoral thesis focusses on the southwest region of Burkina Faso, historically renowned for housing rich gold deposits. First, this study concentrates on the historical and cultural aspects of gold exploitation and trade. Then, it describes and analyzes the moral economy and way of life of the non-industrial gold miners. Finally, the investigations point out the interactions between the gold mining communities and a large range of exogenous actors: local inhabitants, local and central authorities, international and national mining companies. These relationships uncover the relative sociopolitical autonomy of the gold mining communities in relation to the “outside world”. These links extend from the local to the national and international spheres, demonstrating the complexity of understanding such a strategic field.