Comentadores de várias tendências se dividem quanto a como situar o pensamento político do Doutor de Aquino frente à religião. Seria possível fazer uma interpretação naturalista da política em Tomás de Aquino? Ou o seu pensamento político se encontra influenciado por uma esfera superior necessária para que se possa compreender em profundidade o que o autor propõe? No intuito de se posicionar sobre esse antigo debate, pretendemos pesquisar o pensamento de Tomás para buscar entender o conceito de lei, e daí os limites para a lei humana e alguma possível influência do elemento religioso. Para lançar luz sobre o problema, analisaremos as questões sobre o conceito de lei, a lei eterna, a lei natural e a lei humana presentes na Primeira Parte da Segunda Parte da Suma de Teologia, em comparação com outros escritos de Tomás, notadamente a Primeira Parte da Suma de Teologia, a Suma Contra os Gentios e o opúsculo De Regno. Os comentadores divergem a respeito e a pesquisa busca, a partir da releitura das obras de Tomás e dos principais comentadores do século XX e XXI, uma clara tomada de posição clara a respeito, concluindo pela dependência do pensamento político de Tomás de Aquino de uma ordem superior à esfera humana. / Commentators of several trends split themselves as how to situate the political thought of Doctor Aquinas regarding religion. Would it be possible to do a naturalistic interpretation of politics in Thomas Aquinas? Or is his political thought under the influence of a superior sphere necessary to understand in depth what the author proposes? Aiming to set a position about this ancient debate, we attempt to research the thought of Thomas in order to search understanding of the concept of law, and so forth the limits for the human law and any possible influence of the religious element. To bring light on this matter, we will analyse the questions about the concept of law, the eternal law, the natural law and the human law which are enclosed in the First Part of the Second Part of The Summa Theologica, in comparison with the other writings of Thomas, mainly the First Part of the Summa Theologica, the Summa Contra Gentiles and the opuscule De Regno. The commentators disagree in this respect and the research aims, through the carefull reading of the works of Thomas and of the main commentators of the XX and XXI centuries, a clear view in this respect, concluding for the dependency of the political thought of Thomas Aquinas of a superior order above the human sphere.

Em cenário permeado por guerras civis e religiosas advindas da busca por poder político, no século XVII, Locke dedica-se a demonstrar a origem, extensão e finalidade do governo civil, bem como sua dissolução, assumindo o poder político como ponto de partida. Isso porque é preciso elucidar a quem cabe esse poder, de direito, na sociedade civil. Nesse sentido, Locke empenha-se em refutar os argumentos de Robert Filmer, para quem a única forma de governo possível é aquela que tem como pressuposto o domínio particular e a jurisdição paterna de Adão como fonte de todo o poder. Locke critica a visão filmeriana que implicaria em assumir que nenhum homem é livre por natureza e refuta o argumento de Filmer no campo da lei natural. Para tanto, parece valer-se, entre outros elementos, de um procedimento próximo ao da medicina empírica de Thomas Sydenham, mais preocupada em observar as alterações e circunstâncias em que a doença se manifesta do que em buscar suas causas ocultas. Por essa via, precisa reconhecer antes de tudo, os limites do conhecimento humano e concentrar-se na utilidade da reflexão voltada para a prática. Daí ele ressaltar, de modo semelhante, a importância do trabalho de observação no Segundo Tratado desde a discussão sobre a lei de natureza, como lei moral que visa à preservação da humanidade, passando pelo reconhecimento dos inconvenientes do estado de natureza e da necessidade de remediá-los via consentindo para a formação do corpo político e do governo, até o direito de resistência que, conforme interpreta Jean-Fabien Spitz, parece depender de que os membros da sociedade civil mantenham certo direito individual de julgar que limitam as ações daqueles autorizados a exercer o poder legislativo. / In a scenario permeated by civil and religious wars arising from the search for political power in the seventeenth century, Locke is dedicated to demonstrating the origin, extension, and purpose of civil government, as well as its dissolution, assuming political power as a starting point. This is because it is necessary to elucidate to whom this power belongs, of right, in the civil society. In this sense, Locke endeavors to refute the arguments of Robert Filmer, for whom the only form of government possible is that which assumes the particular domain and the paternal jurisdiction of Adam as the source of all power. Locke criticizes the filmerian view that would imply assuming that no man is free by nature and refutes Filmer\'s argument in the field of natural law. For this, it seems to be worth, among other elements, a procedure close to the empirical medicine of Thomas Sydenham, more concerned with observing the changes and circumstances in which the disease manifests itself than in seeking its hidden causes. In this way, one must first recognize the limits of human knowledge and focus on the usefulness of practice-oriented reflection. Hence the importance of the work of observation in the Second Treatise from the discussion of the law of nature - as a moral law aimed at the preservation of humanity, through the recognition of the inconveniences of the state of nature and the need to remedy it - to the right of resistance which, as interpreted by Jean-Fabien Spitz, seems to depend on the members of civil society maintaining an individual right to judge. So they can limit the actions of those authorized to exercise the legislative power.

Após a primeira metade do séc. XX, tem ocorrido uma revolução na Filosofia Política, Jurídica e Moral. A partir da rejeição do projeto racionalista da modernidade, Filósofos pós Segunda Guerra tentam recuperar o que se havia perdido na modernidade, que são os preceitos da Filosofia Política clássica, da tradição Ocidental, da transcendência judaicocristã. Destacamos Gerhart Niemeyer para a compreensão do papel do conservadorismo nesse debate. Consideramos que sua Filosofia amadurece até um conservadorismo moderado em três fases: funcionalismo imanentista e crítica à modernidade, anticomunismo e, então, a definição de Filosofia Política conservadora. Sua crítica se desenvolve identificando a raiz moderna das ideologias do séc. XX: na rejeição do divino e da ordem existente, materialismo, a ideia (dialética) de luta de classes, positivismo e jus naturalismo moderno, ativismo revolucionário daí resultante, bem como no historicismo moderno. Seu principal conceito, “total critique”, denuncia que as ideologias modernas possuem caráter político apenas destrutivo, pois requer a destruição do mundo existente (construído na realidade da experiência humana e baseado no Direito Natural transcendente) para a realização de uma natureza humana idealizada e utópica, ou seja, irrealizável. Assim, após a fragmentação da Tradição Ocidental, para reconstruir uma ordem legítima e fundamentada é necessário atentar para ideias como: a tradição Ocidental e o Direito Natural, a identidade e passado público, mito fundador, “realm” como unidade política, moral e limites em função do mito, virtudes existenciais da comunidade, consenso de valores (homonoia), bem como a capacidade crítica necessária para manter a continuidade da unidade cultural em uma democracia. Então, destacamos a importância do conservadorismo americano nesse movimento. Observamos que sua experiência acadêmica e política, ao longo da Guerra Fria, estão no contexto do conservadorismo norte-americano. Contudo, seu conservadorismo é diferente, devido a sua crítica ao liberalismo e a Direita, delineando um conservadorismo moderado. / After the first half of the 20th century there is a revolution in Political, Legal and Moral Philosophy. From the rejection of the rationalist project of modernity, post Second War philosophers try to recover what was lost in modernity, which are the precepts of classical Political Philosophy, on Western tradition, on the Judeo-Christian transcendence. Featuring Gerhart Niemeyer on the understanding the role of conservatism on this debate. We consider that his philosophy matures to a moderate conservatism in three phases: immanentist functionalism and critique of modernity, anticommunism, and then the definition of conservative political philosophy. His critique analysis is developed on identifying the modern root of 20th century ideologies: the rejection of the divine and the existing order, the materialism, the (dialectic) idea of class struggle, positivism and modern jusnaturalism, the resulting revolutionary activism, as well as the modern historicism. Its main concept, "total critique" shows off that modern ideologies have only destructive political character, because it requires the destruction of the existing world (founded in the reality of human experience and based on the sound transcendent Natural Law) to conduct an idealized and utopian human nature, which is unrealizable. So, after the fragmentation of Western Tradition, to rebuild a lawful and reasoned order it is necessary to look after ideas such: the public identity and public past, the founding myth, "realm" as political unit, moral and limits concerning the myth, existential virtues of community, common sense values (homonoia), as well as the necessary critic skill to keep the abidance of the cultural unity in a democracy. Then, we point the importance of American conservatism over this postmodern movement. We found that his academic and politics experience, throughout the Cold War, are within the context of American conservatism. However, his conservatism is different for his critique of liberalism, which means a moderate conservativism.

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Despite long-standing recognition that the constellation of ethical and political ideas developed by the seventeenth-century Natural Law School played an important part in the development of Enlightenment thought, the relationship between the two remains a fertile area of research in intellectual history. Filling a lacuna in existing scholarship, this thesis contends that central tenets of the ethical and political philosophies developed by the Natural Law School were appropriated by the more liberal and progressive contributors to the Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des Sciences, des Arts et des Métiers (1751-1772); which is frequently considered to be the summa of Enlightenment thought, and emblematic of the conflict between the new ‘philosophical spirit’ and the traditional hierarchies, institutions, and values of the ancien régime. It argues that by establishing the loi naturelle and natural rights of the individual as the foundation of both ethics and politics in many of its articles, the Encyclopédie questions the certainty and validity of Catholicism as the basis for both, and that it therefore played an important role in undermining the moral authority of the Church as well as the political authority of the State. In particular, it asserts that the more liberal and humanitarian contributors to the project put the central tenets of Natural Law thinking into practice, in order to tackle and propose reform of what they perceive to be some of the worst injustices in contemporary society, namely with regard to the related questions of slavery and luxury. For those encyclopédistes who believe in universal rights and the loi naturelle, both the slave trade and the attitude of their contemporaries to luxury seem to embody values very different to those they wanted to promote; in their eyes both are representative of a society in which self-interest and the satisfaction of individual passions are valued over and above any consideration for the needs, welfare, and rights of others.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ornelas Berriel / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T05:54:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Monteiro_ReginaMariaCarpentieri_M.pdf: 4936418 bytes, checksum: 16ab7559c30a6f7835948cf638b29448 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em examinar A Cidade do Sol, utopia de Tommaso Campanella, redigida em 1602, sob o prisma da Filosofia do Direito. As leis da cidade fundam-se em uma lei eterna, que exprime a arte e a sabedoria divinas. O supremo soberano, Hoh ou Metafísico, detém o poder espiritual e temporal. Ele é ao mesmo tempo governante, cientista e sacerdote. A identificação do conceito de direito em A Cidade do Sol, as fontes das leis da urbe e os princípios norteadores de seu ordenamento jurídico deu se a partir do sistema penal e processual da cidade, dos usos e costumes imaginários dos habitantes, do sistema e forma de governo, das noções de Estado e indivíduo, autoridade e livre arbítrio e propriedade e trabalho. O estudo está dividido em três capítulos. O primeiro apresenta uma breve biografia de Campanella. O segundo trata de A Cidade do Sol e, brevemente, do gênero literário utópico. O terceiro aborda a filosofia jurídica na utopia. Um apêndice é dedicado às noções de lei natural e lei positiva desde o pensamento grego até o renascentista / Abstract: The purpose of this dissertation is to examine The City of the Sun, a utopian text written in 1602, by Tommaso Campanella, which considers the Philosophy of Law. The laws of the city lie in an eternal law, which expresses the divine wisdom. A supreme sovereign, Metaphysician or Hoh, holds laic and ecclesiastical powers. He is at the same time a governor, a scientist and a priest. The legal system guiding principles identification was developed based on the solar criminal justice system, on the inhabitants habits and customs, on the system and form of government, on the notions of State and individual, on the free will versus authority, on the working principle and property. The dissertation was divided in three parts. The first chapter is about Campanella's life. The second one examines The City of the Sun and the utopian literary genre. The third chapter discusses the juridical philosophy in Campanella's utopia. An appendix is devoted to notions of natural law and positive law from Greek thought until the Renaissance / Mestrado / Teoria e Critica Literaria / Mestra em Teoria e História Literária

Many common accounts of natural law understand it in opposition to modern social welfare theory. Contrary to that wisdom, this article shows  how many of the fixed landmarks of the common law, including its rules on individual autonomy and the definition and acquisition of private property, comport with the natural law tradition. t he modern welfarist positions only emerge through key decisions in nineteen century law, which then help explain the choice among three welfarist positions: Kaldor-Hicks, Pareto and a more rigorous standard that requires pro rata gains among all parties. this essay uses a transaction costs framework to explain the proper deployment of these three rules. / Diversas versiones comunes del derecho natural lo conciben en contraposición a la teoría moderna del bienestar social. Contrariamente a dicha concepción, este artículo evidencia cuántos de los hitos del derecho común, incluyendo sus reglas sobre la autonomía individual y la definición de la adquisición de la propiedad privada, concuerdan con la tradición del derecho natural. Las posturas modernas del bienestar emergen a través de decisiones clave en el derecho del siglo diecinueve, que ayudan a explicar la elección entre tres posturas de bienestar: Kaldor y Hicks, Pareto, y un estándar más riguroso que requiere ganancias a pro rata entre todas las partes. Este ensayo utiliza un marco basado en los costos de transacciónpara explicar el despliegue estratégico de estas tres reglas.

Thesis advisor: Mark S. Massa, S.J. / Since the publication of Harvard Law School professor Adrian Vermeule’s now-infamous 2020 essay in The Atlantic, “Beyond Originalism,” American legal scholars have developed a renewed interest in natural law jurisprudence’s position in the American legal tradition. Although many of Vermeule’s critics have framed his jurisprudential method as foreign to the American legal tradition, American legal scholars likewise engaged in important debates about natural law jurisprudence nearly a century ago. During this earlier period, scholars debated whether natural law jurisprudence's reliance on deductive reasoning could withstand the inductive and socially scientific methods that became popular at elite American law schools during the 1920s and 1930s. To understand this earlier iteration of debate over natural law jurisprudence, this thesis turns to the life and legacy of William J. Kenealy—a Jesuit priest who served as dean of the Boston College Law School between 1939 and 1956. Although Kenealy has been almost entirely ignored in the historiography, he figured prominently in an attempted revival of natural law jurisprudence that occurred during the early/mid-twentieth century. Terming this movement the “Neo-Scholastic Legal Revival” because of its reliance on Neo-Scholastic understandings of natural law philosophy, this thesis uncovers how Kenealy's religious formation at the turn of the twentieth century, legal training at the Jesuit-run Georgetown University, and wartime leadership at Boston College positioned him well to contribute to the Revival. In doing so, this thesis reveals that leaders in the Revival, including Kenealy, exerted cognizable influence on twentieth-century American legal discourse. Thus, this thesis challenges dominant historical treatments of twentieth-century American legal development that have ignored an attempted revival of natural law jurisprudence that occurred almost a century before Vermeule emerged in the national legal consciousness. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

<p>This dissertation explores the way in which different conceptions of human agency have helped to shape the course of jurisprudential thought. The overarching aim is to bring to the surface the deeper commitments of Hartian positivism in its various engagements with rival accounts of the nature of law. In particular, I argue that although contemporary positivists take their account of law to be metaphysically noncommittal, views of what it is to be a human agent continue to motivate, if implicitly, their positions on such enduring jurisprudential questions as the nature and source of law’s normativity, the relationship between law and morality, and so on. In order to better understand these debates, we must therefore understand better the relationship between a theory of law and the conception of human nature that drives it.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M)" / Prises à la lettre et strictement appliquées par les intégristes musulmans, certaines dispositions du Coran vont à l'encontre de l'égalité entre hommes et femmes. Pour sa part, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha s'est plutôt attaché à promouvoir cette égalité non pas malgré le Coran mais en raison même d'une compréhension renouvelée du Coran. Après avoir esquissé le contexte global des relations entre islam, modernité, et droits de la personne, ce mémoire évoque les grandes lignes du modernisme musulman dans le secteur du droit pour faire ressortir le caractère original et audacieux de l'approche réformiste proposée par Taha. Cette approche sera d'abord étudiée de façon globale dans ses principes de base et ensuite dans son application au cas spécifique de l'égalité entre hommes et femmes. Puis, un parallèle entre la pensée de John Locke et celle de Taha soulignera leur enracinement commun dans le jus naturale et servira de fil conducteur pour dégager, en conclusion, la portée actuelle de l'oeuvre de Taha. / When taken literally and strictly applied by Muslim fundamentalists, sorne Koranic provisions go against gender equality. As for him, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha has endeavoured to promote that equality not in spite of the Koran but rather precisely because of a renewed understanding of it. After outlining the global context of the relations between Islam, modemity, and human rights, this dissertation evokes the main features of Islamic modemism in the field of law in order to bring out the original and bold nature of Taha's reformist approach. This approach is first studied globally in its basic principles and then in its application to the case of gender equality. After that, a parallel between John Locke's and Taha's thought shall underline their common roots withinjus naturale and lead to a conclusion assessing the actual impact of Taha's work.