This essay is an analytical study that examines the ideological features of the New Right, that has governed Britain and the United States after the 2008 financial crisis, regarding globalization. The purpose of the essay is to identify the most prominent similarities and differences in the positions of the New Right on globalization in both countries after 2008. The essay shows that the New Right differs, in Britain and the United States, in its position on globalization. In Britain, successive Conservative governments support globalization with its economic, political, cultural and ecological dimensions, but with conditions. On the other hand, Trump, the only Republican president in the United States after 2008, does not support globalization in any of its dimensions. However, there are similarities between the two doctrines on issues related to the assertion of sovereignty and national identity.

The aim of this Master’s thesis is to examine the ideological currents that have influenced the swedish school system since the 1990's. The background of my interest is the lively debate in schools and media about the new School reform 2011. My hypothesis is that education in 2011 largely will be influenced by neoliberal and neoconservative values.The method I`ve used is discourse and ideology critique, which examines the relationship between rhetoric and power. These concepts are useful to explain the ideological change in different policy documents and in curricula, for example Lpf 94 and School 2001.The theoretical framework is based primarily on the neoliberal and the neoconservative agenda, which are two distinct political rationalities in the contemporary postmodern world. Alongside this framework I have used scientific, educational, philosophical, sociological and cultural literature. The reason that I have included philosophical texts, is to put education issues in a wider contextOn the internationally published research articles there are literature, which criticize the neoliberal and neoconservative education discourse. This ideological thinking appears through a number of American scientists, such as Michael Apple, who advocate a different kind of education - a corrective to the mainstream - education, that denies ―grand narratives‖ such as class oppression in favor of the pedagogy based on control. Their theories are interesting and seem to be sustainable but are not very much discussed in the Swedish educational debate or education plans today.The conclusion is that the swedish school system is influenced by neoliberal and neoconservative values, through the plans to establish law and order, measurable criteria and entrepreneurship in education.

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, the Bush administration articulated an anti-terrorism grand strategy of armed democratisation in the Middle East that constituted the heart of the “Bush Doctrine.” This strategy derived primarily from the framework of activist democracy promotion developed by neoconservatives, and reached its apex in 2003 when it served as the rationale for regime change in Iraq as the fulcrum for the democratic transformation of the Arab world. Yet by 2008, the Bush administration's democratisation policies and many elements of the broader neoconservative framework of democracy promotion have been significantly scaled back as a result of the challenges they have faced in the Arab world - to the extent that both are now entering a state of decline. In seeking to assess the development, assumptions and outcomes to date of the United States' post-September 11 anti-terrorism strategy in the Middle East, this thesis offers a critical account of the rise and decline of the “neoconservative moment” in American foreign policy as exemplified by the Bush Doctrine's Middle East democratisation policies. This thesis examines the origins, evolution and claims of the neoconservative paradigm of armed democracy promotion; it relates these to the justifications for interventionist democratisation in the Middle East present in the terms of the Bush Doctrine; and it assesses some of the key critiques made of these assumptions over the past five years. Unlike a number of studies of the Bush Doctrine and neoconservatism, this thesis takes seriously the Bush Doctrine's claims and neoconservative beliefs as a genuine intellectual framework for intervention, consistently examining their assertions on their own terms. Further, this thesis utilises an interdisciplinary approach of study, adopting a number of the methods and analytical tools of history and political science in making its arguments and reaching its conclusions.

This dissertation Michael Novak and Patrick Buchanan as Major Representatives of Contemporary American Political Catholicism compares the political thought of two faces of contemporary American political Catholicism represented by the neoconservative Michael Novak and the paleoconservative Patrick J. Buchanan. The first part deals with the context of contemporary political Catholicism and its historical background. The comparison thematizes five problem fields: the issue of democracy and American political system, economic problems, question of foreign policy, the issue of religion and Catholicism and, finally, the conflict over the basis of conservatism. To accomplish the given objective, I analyse the work of both authors, compare their respective ideological positions and set them in the context of other major authors in the given areas and in the context of established political theories. The comparison shows that they both emphasize the significance of the religious and moral aspect of democracy, especially in the American context, however, they do not agree on the universal reach of democratic ideals. In the field of economics, they stand for different views: Novak is an economic neoliberal, while Buchanan a radical economic nationalist. Similarly in relation to foreign policy, Novak...

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Since the early 20th century, Jews promoted civil rights for Black Americans in law, society, and employment. The Jewish hand of friendship developed into a natural alliance of African-American and Jewish leaders committed to racial equality that blossomed in the 1950s and 1960s and culminated with the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. Despite their long term mutual efforts towards racial equality, the Black-Jewish Alliance faltered after Jews and Blacks cooperated to achieve these victories, and their alliance lay in ruins by the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Black-Jewish Alliance began to wane as government institutionalized racial preferences in education and employment. While observers argue affirmative action ended these communities' cooperation, government-mandated racial preferences merely highlighted the underlying cause of the disintegration of Black-Jewish Alliance: the transformation of Jewish American identity from racial minority to "white ethnic." The Jewish racial transformation-a gradual shift in their association with ethnic communities-augmented racial disputes between Blacks and Jews. As Jewish identity shifted from perceived racial minority to American white ethnicity, the Black-Jewish racial fault line shook along the fronts of Black Nationalism and neoconservatism. These racial cleavages-spurred by the fluidity of Jewish ethnic identity-highlighted divergent Black and Jewish conceptions of the meaning and purpose of civil rights. The chasm separating Black and Jewish conceptions of civil rights manifested itself in the 1970s when the champions of racial equality advocated competing sides of a still contentious philosophical war fought on the battlefields of the U.S. Supreme Court in University of California Regents v. Bakke (1978) and DeFunis v. Odegaard (1974).

[pt] O movimento Escola sem Partido (EsP), fundado em 2004 com um ideário contrário ao que chama de doutrinação esquerdista e comunista nas escolas do país, ganhou visibilidade no debate educacional em 2014, ao incorporar o combate à suposta ideologia de gênero. O EsP se desenvolveu numa conjuntura sócio-política de reação à conquista de direitos e ao avanço de políticas públicas sensíveis aos movimentos sociais e as camadas mais pobres das sociedades, no contexto do que vem sendo chamado de neoconservadorismo brasileiro. O movimento se aproximou da direita cristã e fez parte da campanha de Jair Bolsonaro à presidência. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo investigar as narrativas do EsP acerca do ensino de História, sobretudo aquelas relacionadas às diferenças humanas no tempo (religião, diferenças étnico-raciais, relações de gênero e sexualidades). Partimos do pressuposto que a disciplina de História ocupa espaço profícuo na produção de sujeitos e que, desde a década de 1990, vem sendo interpelada por movimentos sociais que visam incluir novos sujeitos, histórias, lugares e temporalidades na construção da ideia de nação e na produção de subjetividades. Em relação à metodologia, buscamos as publicações disponíveis no site do Escola sem Partido que abordam a disciplina acadêmica e/ou escolar de História e suas relações com as diferenças. Dessa maneira, foram selecionadas e analisadas em seu conteúdo 61 publicações que discutiam diferentes religiosidades, relações étnicoraciais e de gênero, sexualidades e no passado. Os resultados mostram que estas publicações: 1) se colocam, majoritariamente, contra práticas docentes, livros didáticos, faculdades e concursos em torno da disciplina de História; 2) criticam o que consideram ser uma hegemonia do marxismo na História; 3) defendem a Igreja Católica em temporalidades como as das Cruzadas e da Inquisição, e os cristãos, especialmente os jesuítas no processo de colonização; 4) buscam afastar a Igreja Católica das experiências de escravidão; 5) apresentam tom moralizante ao representar as mulheres, assim como a construção de uma teoria que, contra a noção de gênero, se fixa no biológico como meio de interpretar os papéis de homens e mulheres no passado, no presente e para o futuro. Em conclusão, as narrativas compiladas no site manifestam o caráter reativo do neoconservadorismo brasileiro, de forte viés moralista, tradicional, cristão, heteronormativo e opositor às demandas de mulheres, negros e LGBTQIA mais. A disciplina escolar de História é um de seus alvos, demonstrando a sua relevância para a construção e defesa de conhecimentos e valores que reforçam a autoridade de grupos historicamente dominantes na sociedade brasileira. / [en] The Unpartisan School movement (Escola sem Partido, EsP) movement, founded in 2004 with an ideology contrary to what it calls leftist and communist indoctrination in the country s schools, gained visibility in the educational debate in 2014, by incorporating the fight against the supposed gender ideology. The EsP grew in a socio-political context of reaction to the conquest of rights and the advancement of public policies sensitive to social movements and the poorest strata of societies, in the context of what has been called Brazilian neoconservatism. The movement approached the Christian right and was part of Jair Bolsonaro s presidential campaign. This research aimed to investigate the EsP narratives about the teaching of History, especially those related to human differences in time (religion, ethnic-racial differences, gender relations and sexualities). We start from the assumption that the discipline of History occupies a fruitful space in the production of subjects and that, since the 1990s, it has been questioned by social movements that aim to include new subjects, histories, places, and temporalities in the construction of the idea of nation and in the production of subjectivities. Regarding the methodology, we searched for publications available on the EsP website that address the academic and/or school discipline of History and its relations with differences. In this way, 61 publications were selected and analyzed in their content that discussed different religiosities, ethnic-racial and gender relations, sexualities and in the past. The results show that these publications: 1) are mostly opposed to teaching practices, textbooks, faculties and competitions around the discipline of History; 2) criticize what they consider to be a hegemony of Marxism in History; 3) defend the Catholic Church in temporalities such as the Crusades and the Inquisition, and the Christians, especially the Jesuits in the colonization process; 4) seek to distance the Catholic Church from the experiences of slavery; 5) present a moralizing tone when representing women, as well as the construction of a theory that, against the notion of gender, is fixed on the biological as a means of interpreting the roles of men and women in the past, present and for the future. In conclusion, the narratives compiled on the website manifest the reactive character of Brazilian neoconservatism, with a strong moralist, traditional, Christian, heteronormative bias and opposing the demands of women, blacks and LGBTQIA plus. The school subject of History is one of its targets, demonstrating its relevance for the construction and defense of knowledge and values that reinforce the authority of historically dominant groups in Brazilian society.

There is a lively academic debate concerning US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era and especially after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. Neoconservatism has become a cause celebre in the literature of international relations with a variety of scholars disagreeing as to its supposed impact on Washington's world affairs approach and the Bush administration's decision to remove Saddam Hussein, from power manu militari. This thesis is an analysis of the way this political ideology was interpreted in the European elite media. It will be demonstrated how a significant section of key opinion-forming newspapers of Britain, France, Germany and Italy framed neoconservatism during the administration of Bill Clinton and partly that of George W. Bush. There will be an exploration of whether and how newspapers vary in their coverage. The thesis will outline that the influence of the neoconservatives in US foreign policy can be disputed and will suggest that their ideas can be hardly considered as revolutionary ones. It will then focus on the media coverage and will show that the prominence devoted to neoconservatism by the accessed print sources is a relatively recent phenomenon. The findings indicate that the newspapers differed in their representation of the political ideology only in the period before 9/11 when they mainly discussed it in the context of domestic affairs. By contrast, after the terrorist atrocities and especially since 2003 they linked neoconservatism to US foreign policy and largely focused on it - as opposed to competing international relations theories -, representing it in a remarkably similar way. With the exception of The Times, which followed a comparatively balanced approach, they constructed it as a driving force behind George W. Bush's international politics approach and the war on Iraq. The media emphasis on neoconservatism will be attributed to different factors - such the scapegoat theory - which maybe influenced the journalistic work. The general consensus as to their understanding of neoconservatism and its supposed impact will not support the claim of a European public sphere but will be considered as a positive step towards its possible creation.

The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira.pdf: 901500 bytes, checksum: 0a8e16b840bc145e69525fa0c65ce7c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The end of the Cold War led to a reorientation of the basis of the American conservative thought in foreign policy, in general, and of neoconservatism in particular. For the last one, emerged in the mid 1970´s, and which defined itself in opposition to communism, the demise of the Soviet Union was a blow that many analyses, including among its most prominent spokesmen, considered mortal. The events of September 11th, 2001 proved that these evaluations were mistaken and reinforced the proposition of this research that the neoconservative thought in foreign policy is not a mere configuration of transient opinions, but a coherent set of ideas, distinct of others approaches within the American debate. By using a number of writings of its participants, this research aimed to identify the elements composing the neoconservative thought in foreign policy, without ignoring the historical context s influences over it. Thus, this work offers an original timeline of this thought, as well as it identifies its basic themes present in some way since its conception. The research also intended to situate the neoconservative thought in foreign policy within the wider international relations debate, basing on classical theoretical approaches of the discipline, in order to demonstrate that neoconservatism possesses such a combination of elements that hinders its categorization under any of these approaches, requiring a separate theoretical elaboration that takes into consideration its expression as a typically American phenomenon / O final da Guerra Fria levou a uma reorientação das bases do pensamento conservador norte-americano em política externa, em geral, e do neoconservadorismo, em particular. Para este último, surgido em meados da década de 1970, e que se definia principalmente enquanto oposição ativa ao comunismo, o desaparecimento da União Soviética foi um golpe que muitas análises, inclusive entre seus mais destacados porta-vozes, consideravam mortal. Os eventos de 11 de setembro de 2001 serviriam para provar que essas avaliações estavam equivocadas e para reforçar a proposta desta pesquisa de que o pensamento neoconservador em política externa não constitui uma mera configuração passageira de opiniões, mas sim um conjunto de idéias coerente e distinto de outras posições no debate norte-americano. A partir da utilização de diversos textos escritos pelos seus participantes, esta pesquisa procurou identificar os elementos que compõem o pensamento neoconservador em política externa, sem desconsiderar as influências do contexto histórico sobre o mesmo. Assim, o presente trabalho oferece uma periodização original desse pensamento, bem como identifica seus temas fundamentais presentes de alguma forma desde a sua concepção. A pesquisa também pretendeu localizar o pensamento neoconservador em política externa no debate mais amplo de relações internacionais, tomando como base abordagens teóricas consagradas da disciplina, a fim de demonstrar que o neoconservadorismo possui uma combinação de elementos tal que impede sua classificação sob quaisquer dessas abordagens, necessitando de elaboração teórica à parte, e que leve em consideração sua manifestação como um fenômeno tipicamente norte-americano