abstract: Transnational feminist scholars have increasingly recognized the need to interrogate the dominance of the US and the global north in transnational transactions. Chandra Mohanty argues that transnational feminist scholarship needs to “address fundamental questions of systemic power and inequities and to develop feminist, antiracist analyses of neoliberalism, militarism, and heterosexism as nation-state-building projects” (2013, p. 968). Following this call for analyzing power from feminist, anti-racist stances, this dissertation interrogates Title IX as a nationalist discourse with global reach. As a law created in the era of liberal feminism, Title IX still operates today in neoliberal times and this dissertation makes sense of Title IX as an instrument of neoliberalized feminism in transnational sporting contexts. The following three case studies focus on Title IX as it travels across nation-state borders through 21st century ideas of equity, empowerment, and opportunity. This dissertation begins by exploring at how transnational sporting policy regarding the participation standards of transgender and intersex athletes operates under the neoliberalized feminism of Title IX. It then moves to a discussion of a Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) project--Women Win’s digital storytelling project. In analyzing SDP projects, I map the cultural logics of Title IX’s neoliberalized feminism in the context of training girls and women to record their stories sport participation. Finally, the dissertation connects the context of the first Saudi female Olympians to Oiselle’s branding campaign of Sarah Attar, one of the first Saudi Olympians. It traces her image as an import-export product for the Olympic Committee and Oiselle through equity, opportunity, and empowerment. Finally, these case studies are bridged by networking the discourses of investing in a girl (commodifying girls becoming autonomous actors through education and economics) to Title IX’s focus on gender equity in order to show how these discourses simultaneously increase and negatively impact participation in sports by women from the global south. Moreover, it offers how future research in women’s transnational sports can more ethically incorporate the standpoint of women from the global south in sport policy, SDP projects, and branding campaigns. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2016

abstract: In what has been coined the postfeminist era, successes of the second wave feminist movement have been distorted by sociopolitical and economic structures to proclaim that sexism and inequality no longer exist within liberal American society, and thus feminism as a movement is no longer necessary. While theoretical and quantitative work has examined women’s relationship with feminist identity, limited research exists on women’s subjective, qualitative accounts of feminist identity. Furthermore, there is a dearth of research on women’s subjective identification across the spectrum of feminist identity, particularly from non-college and non-white populations. Using thematic analysis this study critically analyzed 20 qualitative interviews from a community sample of women in a large Southwest city (Age range: 18-52; Mean age: 35.35, SD: 12.0). Narratives revealed four themes surrounding women’s identification with feminism and conceptions of sexuality: 1) Feminist self-labeling associated with a collective identity 2) Empowerment as a personal endeavor 3) Female empowerment and relationships with men and 4) Investments in femininity and sexual empowerment. This data supports the notion that feminist ideals of equality and agency have been distorted by postfeminist and neoliberal ideology to prevent women from identifying as feminists. Additionally, data postulate that this distortion has permeated ideologies of feminist women, thereby discouraging collective action for change. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2017

This study provides a theoretical and methodological contribution to ongoing debates relating to the purpose and nature of international higher education. It does so by examining globalisation, lifelong learning and postgraduate international study through the voice of the individual student. The voice of the student is under represented in the literature and this research contributes by providing an in-depth, longitudinal study focusing on the student voice. The experiences of international postgraduate students within one English university from 2009-2014 provide the research context. Their experience is explored through a number of integrated and interactive narrative based research methods: written narratives, interview narratives and narratives as conversations in action. There is a dearth of empirical research which integrates these methods. It is not an intention of this study to make generalisation claims or to claim universal applicability. However, the findings do add to knowledge relating to internationalisation, globalisation, lifelong learning and identity construction within higher education programmes. The neoliberal economic view of motivation to become an international student is contested. This study suggests that motivation to take on a period of international study may be more complex and more heavily weighted towards passion, rather than towards an economic or employment based rationale. Participants do demonstrate many of the qualities identified for the international or globalised learner. However, international experience and international learning is largely brought about the agency of the international student, often in spite of, rather than as an outcome of their formal university programme of study. The study confirms that culture and identity are permeable and are influenced by the postgraduate student experience. However, nationality rather than being reduced is reinforced during the period of international study. The findings confirm that narrative research approaches such as those used in this research, can provide a rich learning experience for both participant and researcher. Such approaches may be of particular importance to individuals in transition stages, such as the international student.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-03-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:08:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rosa_ad_me_mar.pdf: 621461 bytes, checksum: e21609b3b112a5f115015dff42c0af68 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / As últimas décadas do século XX se caracterizaram por um conjunto de alterações e reformas na estrutura estatal brasileira. Frente a esse quadro, o trabalho busca reconstruir o processo de emergência das agências reguladoras nos anos 90, tomandoas como dimensão destacada da nova configuração do Estado no Brasil e da inserção do País no novo cenário de mundialização do capital. A estruturação das agências está inserida num momento de transformação do Estado, que adquire uma dimensão cada vez mais gerencial e regulacionista, em detrimento de suas conformações desenvolvimentistas no plano econômico e político. Tais mudanças institucionais têm como embasamento a cultura da competição, que não se localiza apenas no âmbito institucional, mas opera como retorno à cultura do liberalismo e do individualismo social como parâmetro das políticas públicas. / The last decades of the twentieth century were characterised by a group of changes and reforms in the Brazilian. In this context, the work seeks to reconstruct the process of create of regulatory agencies in the nineties, taking them as design of the new configuration of State in Brasil, showing the new faces of the capital. The structure of the agencies is part of this transformations from State, that acquire a dimension management and regulationist front of declination of the developmentalist project. These institutional changes have as parameter the culture of competition, which is located not only in the institutional framework, but operates as a return to the liberalism and individualism culture as a parameter of public policies.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-02-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:57:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_jrm_me_mar.pdf: 1305958 bytes, checksum: cfd6a7f2fa17468c2dc735a816e2526e (MD5) / A questão da formação docente tem propiciado inúmeros debates acerca da sua qualidade e importância, sendo muito discutida pelas políticas públicas educacionais nos últimos anos. Apesar de ser consensual a idéia de que se faz necessário encontrar uma maneira de garantir uma formação com um sólido aprofundamento teórico, não é esse o encaminhamento que tem ocorrido com a formação dos professores do Ciclo I do Ensino Fundamental. As políticas educacionais atreladas às determinações do Banco Mundial, que sugerem uma formação baseada em programas paliativos, na formação continuada (de preferência em serviço) e à distância têm implantado uma formação aligeirada para esses professores, a fim de garantir a certificação formal, oferecendo um diploma no final desse tipo de curso. Tais programas estão de acordo com a própria LDB n° 9394/96, que valida essa formação, existente em todo o país. Este trabalho buscou, através de pesquisa bibliográfica, compreender as políticas educacionais, diretamente influenciadas pelas políticas neoliberais e em consonância com os ditames do Banco Mundial. A partir dessa perspectiva, analisou-se um programa de formação de professores, denominado PEC Formação Universitária, oferecido aos professores efetivos da rede estadual de São Paulo em 2002. O Programa formou em nível superior um grande contingente de professores que ao final do curso receberam um diploma de licenciatura plena. Esse programa baseou-se principalmente na modalidade à distância, mesclando momentos presenciais e virtuais. Para entender esse programa, utilizou-se a análise documental e as várias versões do Programa. Frente aos resultados obtidos, questiona-se o aligeiramento do curso, pela sua rapidez de execução, que não garantiu a efetiva apropriação do conhecimento ao massificar as informações transmitidas aos alunos-professores... / The teachers training issue has given rise to a number of debates on its quality and importance, being often discussed by the educational public policies of the last years. In spite of being consensual the idea that it is necessary to find a way of guaranteeing a training with a solid theoretical deepening, this is not the direction that has been taken on by the training of teachers of Cycle I of Fundamental Teaching. The educational policies linked to the determinations of the World Bank, which suggest a training based on palliative programs, in the continuous (preferably in service) and distance learning training have implanted a hasty training for these teachers, in order to guarantee the formal certification, offering a degree at the end of this kind of course. Such programs are in accordance with the very LDB (Guidelines and Bases Law) nº 9394/96, which validates this training, existing throughout the country. This work has sought, through bibliographic research, to understand the educational policies, directly influenced by the neoliberal policies and in consonance with the precepts of the World Bank. From this perspective, one has analyzed a teachers training program denominated PEC University Training, offered to the permanent teachers of the São Paulo state network in 2002. The Program has trained at the upper level a large contingent of teachers who, at the end of the course, have received a full licenciate degree. This program has based itself mainly on the distance learning modality, mixing on-site and virtual moments. To understand this program, one has utilized the documental analysis and the various versions of the Program. In the face of the results, one questions the haste of the course, for its quickness of execution, which has not guaranteed the real appropriation of knowledge on massifying the information transmitted to the students-teachers; and the tutor s role...(Complete abstract, acess undermentioned eletronic adress)

Submitted by Daniele Amaral (daniee_ni@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-09T18:27:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMFBM.pdf: 1539757 bytes, checksum: b85624bef14c34b78f53f9ad25978a0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (bco.producao.intelectual@gmail.com) on 2018-01-25T17:03:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMFBM.pdf: 1539757 bytes, checksum: b85624bef14c34b78f53f9ad25978a0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (bco.producao.intelectual@gmail.com) on 2018-01-25T17:03:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMFBM.pdf: 1539757 bytes, checksum: b85624bef14c34b78f53f9ad25978a0e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-25T17:06:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMFBM.pdf: 1539757 bytes, checksum: b85624bef14c34b78f53f9ad25978a0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This study analyzes the participation of the World Bank in rural education projects in Brazil based on two hypotheses. Firstly, what means to a neoliberal political project justify poverty reduction and improve the living conditions of the individuals, and, secondly, in the Brazilian governments called "right" or "left", although they assume distinct political discourses, they have a lot of assumptions in common. In this way, fundamental concepts are understood and their results are fundamental for the debate that they propose to an understanding of the education elaborated for rural individuals. To do so, we use authors who discuss this theme, as well as the survey conducted with the World Bank, forming a base of research on financial projects for those who are interested in getting to know them. At the end of analytical forms we could perceive the neoliberal bias embedded in the speeches elaborated by the World Bank, as well as a trajectory of its action in the education of the Brazilian countryside. To the researchers of the area of fundamental importance for the comprehensiveness of the institution, its capillarity and influences, in this way, this study opened space for other researches in its continuity. / Esse estudo analisa a participação do Banco Mundial nos projetos para a educação do campo em nosso país, tendo como hipótese, primeiro, que embora se justifiquem na diminuição da pobreza e melhoria das condições de vida dos sujeitos, atendem grandemente às necessidades e à agenda de um projeto político neoliberal e, ademais, que particularmente no caso brasileiro, embora assumam discursos políticos distintos, governos ditos “à direita” ou “à esquerda” apresentaram posturas bastante semelhantes no que compete à entrada e à participação da referida instituição financeira. Desse modo, entender por quais razões e como se realizam esses acordos é fundamental ao debate daqueles que se propõem à compreensão da educação elaborada para os que estão no campo. Para tanto, nos utilizamos de importantes autores que debatem a temática, assim como também de levantamento realizado junto ao Banco Mundial, formando uma base de pesquisas acerca dos projetos financiados para aqueles que tenham interesse em conhecê-los. Ao término de nossas análises pudemos perceber o viés neoliberal embutido nos discursos elaborados pelo Banco Mundial, assim como também a trajetória de sua atuação na educação do campo brasileira. Aos pesquisadores da área é de fundamental importância compreender a abrangência desta instituição, sua capilaridade e influências e, assim, o presente estudo possibilita novas pesquisas em sua área de abrangência.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:25:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissLPA.pdf: 3387747 bytes, checksum: 9e9efb03de2f8b49b6973cbf56a272fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-02-20 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / With the end of the Military Regime, the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the neoliberalism, the relationship between media and the military by the way, already tense in the authoritarian Brazil was expressed in a diffused and confused way. Somehow, we can say that there are two points of view on the military problem: one, a Liberal, economic emphasized; other, a Realistic or Conservative, with emphasis in the national security). Nevertheless, both visions have influenced and may determine the kind of relationship that some parts of the press had with the Armed Forces in Brazil, in the years of 1995 to 1998. The research focus on the systematic analysis of Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo articles and editorials. In that way, we suggest that Folha, influenced by the liberal view, represents itself more critic to the military, showing to the society a series of hostile reflections upon the military corporation. At the same time, O Estado de S. Paulo (influenced by a conservative point of view) presents itself on the support of keeping a modern Armed Forces to national defense. / Com o fim do regime militar, o colapso do mundo soviético e o advento da ideologia neoliberal as relações da mídia com os militares - que durante o período de crise do Estado autoritário já eram conflituosas se expressaram de forma complexa e difusa. De modo sucinto é possível dizer que existem duas visões acerca da questão militar: uma visão liberal (cuja ênfase recai na economia) e uma visão Realista ou Conservadora (cuja ênfase recai na Segurança Nacional) e que essas visões influenciam e determinam o tipo de relação que certos órgãos da imprensa mantiveram com as Forças Armadas no Brasil durante os anos de 1995- 1998. A pesquisa concentra-se na análise sistemática de editoriais e reportagens do seguintes periódicos: Folha de S. Paulo e Estado de S. Paulo. É possível colocar que a Folha de S. Paulo, influenciada pela visão liberal, mostra-se basicamente crítica, para não dizer hostil, quando trata desses tópicos extrapolando para a sociedade uma série de sentimentos contrários à corporação militar. Enquanto que O Estado de S. Paulo (influenciado pela visão conservadora) mostra-se determinado na defesa da necessidade de se manter Forças Armadas modernas para a defesa nacional.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / "Sensitizing" is one of the most often used verbs in the current inclusion policies in Brazil. Several documents have highlighted the historical urgency of access, participation and acceptance of all, particularly in the regular school, and the interaction between disabled and non-disabled people has been strongly encouraged in Contemporaneity. This thesis aims at problematizing the provenience, emergence, functioning and effects of this call in this country. In order to do that, it has addressed a set of documents, including magazines, handbooks, tests, guides and campaigns intended to raise awareness of the inclusion of disabled people by the school community. The central focus of this research has been to understand how neoliberal rationality has conducted modes of subjectivation from practices of sensitization for the inclusion of disabled students in school in Brazil. Such problematization has employed analytical tools developed by Michel Foucault, such as governmentality, government by the truth and subjectivation. Inspired by the genealogical method, the study has attempted to understand how we have taken up the sensitization practices as guidelines of self-conduct in relation to the disabled in the inclusive school. The analysis has evidenced the production of a ―pedagogy of sensitization to inclusion‖ that aims at mobilizing everyone to believe in the benefits, gains and advantages provided by active interaction with the disabled in the inclusive school. In those conditions, it has been possible to highlight the functionality of the sensitization practices to include the disabled in the school as practices of government of the self and the others which have been produced in the historical displacement from the risk of interacting to the risk of not interacting. On favoring the interest in the transformation of the self through partnerships between the disabled and the non-disabled and through leveling its very inclusive performance, the pedagogy of sensitization has become indispensable for both the consolidation and the maintenance of the inclusion regime of truth. Objectivation and subjectivation techniques that characterize other forms of conduction of conducts such as confession, direction of conscience and examination have been reshaped by the principles of cooperation and competitiveness, and this allows us to visualize the immanence between sensitization practices for the inclusion of the disabled in school and the neoliberal rationality in Brazil. / "Sensibilizar" é um dos verbos mais chamados à conjugação nas atuais políticas de inclusão no Brasil. Vários documentos ressaltam a urgência histórica de acesso, participação e aceitação de todos, especialmente na escola comum, e a convivência entre deficientes e não-deficientes vem sendo promovida com grande destaque na Contemporaneidade. Esta tese propôs problematizações sobre a proveniência, a emergência, o funcionamento e os efeitos desse chamado no país. Para tanto, debruçou-se sobre um conjunto de documentos, que inclui revistas, manuais, testes, cartilhas e campanhas, os quais objetivam conscientizar a comunidade escolar sobre a inclusão de deficientes. O interesse central desta pesquisa foi compreender como a racionalidade neoliberal vem conduzindo modos de subjetivação a partir das práticas de sensibilização para a inclusão escolar de deficientes no Brasil. Tal problematização mobilizou ferramentas analíticas desenvolvidas por Michel Foucault, entre as quais, destacam-se: governamentalidade, governo pela verdade e subjetivação. A partir de uma inspiração no método genealógico, buscou-se entender como assumimos as práticas de sensibilização como diretrizes de autoconduta frente aos deficientes na escola inclusiva. A analítica indicou a produção de uma ―pedagogia da sensibilização para a inclusão‖ que busca mobilizar todos e cada um a apostar nos benefícios, nos ganhos, nas vantagens advindas da convivência ativa com os deficientes na escola inclusiva. Nessas condições, foi possível destacar a funcionalidade das práticas de sensibilização para a inclusão escolar de deficientes como práticas de governo de si e dos outros, que vêm se produzindo no deslocamento histórico de um risco de conviver para um risco de não conviver. Ao promover o interesse pela transformação de si, pela parceria entre deficientes e não-deficientes, pelo nivelamento de sua própria performance inclusiva, a pedagogia da sensibilização vem se mostrando indispensável para a consolidação e manutenção do regime de verdade da inclusão. Técnicas de objetivação e subjetivação próprias de outras modalidades de condução das condutas tais como a confissão, a direção da consciência e o exame são remoldadas pelos princípios da cooperação e da concorrência, o que permite visualizar a imanência entre as práticas de sensibilização para a inclusão escolar de deficientes e a racionalidade neoliberal no Brasil.

Submitted by ALESSANDRA COSTA null (kekacosta@gmail.com) on 2018-03-21T16:32:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Completa 2018.pdf: 1003004 bytes, checksum: 911a5b233137d23e574060ca5e0c0ba2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-21T17:24:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_a_me_mar.pdf: 1003004 bytes, checksum: 911a5b233137d23e574060ca5e0c0ba2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-21T17:24:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_a_me_mar.pdf: 1003004 bytes, checksum: 911a5b233137d23e574060ca5e0c0ba2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A implementação das políticas neoliberais no país, em especial a partir da década de 1990, levou à reforma do Estado nacional e intensificou a precarização do trabalho de um modo geral. A precarização do trabalho atingiu também o segmento do professorado. Desse modo, o presente estudo teve como objetivo principal analisar as condições de precarização do trabalho docente na educação infantil do município de Marília. Para atingir o objetivo procedemos ao exame das políticas neoliberais incorporadas às políticas públicas educacionais e, em especial, as referentes ao município. Os procedimentos utilizados neste estudo foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a pesquisa documental. Nessa perspectiva, analisamos a legislação nacional, a legislação do município, especialmente o Estatuto Municipal do Magistério e suas respectivas modificações, semanários de professoras da educação infantil da rede municipal e Projetos Políticos Pedagógicos de algumas escolas de educação infantil do município. Os dados obtidos revelaram que a precarização do trabalho dos docentes na educação infantil se materializa na dupla jornada de trabalho (Jornada Especial); na flexibilização de contratos de trabalho; no controle do trabalho e na desvalorização intelectual do professor; na ausência do plano de carreia do magistério; e na deficiente política salarial da categoria. / The implementation of neoliberal policies in the country, especially since the 1990s, has led to the reform of the national state and intensified the precariousness of labor in general. The precariousness of the work also affected the teaching segment. Thus, the main objective of this study was to analyze the precarious conditions of the teaching work in children's education in the municipality of Marília. In order to reach the objective we proceeded to the examination of the neoliberal policies incorporated to the educational public policies, and especially those referring to the municipality. The procedures used in this study were bibliographic research and documentary research. From this perspective, we analyze the national legislation, the municipal legislation, especially the Municipal Statute of the Magisterium and its respective modifications, weeklies of teachers of the children's education of the municipal network and Educational Political Projects of some schools of pre-school education in the municipality. The data obtained revealed that the precariousness of the work of teachers in early childhood education is materialized in the double working day (Special Day); in the flexibilization of labor contracts; in the control of work and in the intellectual devaluation of the teacher; in the absence of the master's degree plan; and the poor salary policy of the category. / 154408/2016-6

O patrimônio ecológico e, também, os demais bens de titularidade coletiva, tornaram-se passíveis de mercantilização no chamado contexto neoliberal após a década de 1970. O meio ambiente, bem integrante do rol de direitos e deveres fundamentais previstos pela Constituição de 1988, é de uso comum de todos, voltado à satisfação das necessidades mais fundamentais relacionadas à vida e à dignidade. Nessa seara, remete-se, especificamente no presente estudo, à temática do instrumento de proteção ambiental, pertencente a Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente, qual seja, o licenciamento ambiental. O marco regulatório do licenciamento é alvo de uma pressão pela privatização dos recursos naturais, bens fundamentais para a coletividade, que quer a flexibilização do processo de licenciamento. Por outro lado, fala-se da proteção do meio ambiente enquanto patrimônio comum, e na necessidade de aprimoramento do processo de licenciamento, não para flexibilizá-lo, mas para torna-lo mais eficaz e cumpridor dos seus propósitos. De tal maneira, consoante uma concepção metodológica dialética e mediante o metodologia denominada “análise de conteúdo”, procurou-se responder às questões de pesquisa. Perguntou-se pela eficácia do instrumento do licenciamento, com enfoque nos direitos socioambientais de populações direta ou indiretamente atingidas por desastres ambientais, bem como as possíveis consequências da flexibilização do procedimento prevista por meio dos projetos de leis em tramitação. Através da análise do desastre ocorrido em Mariana/MG em 2015, bem como de alguns projetos de lei que visam à flexibilização da legislação sobre o licenciamento, tendo como referencial o aparato teórico e conceitual oferecido por David Harvey, pretende-se dissertar sobre o dignificado do licenciamento ambiental e do Estudo de impacto ambiental no Brasil, sobretudo a partir da ótica das pessoas diretamente afetadas por grandes obras e eventos extremos. Pretende-se que este estudo proporcione elementos para uma análise academicamente crítica do problema jurídico-político dos desastres socioambientais. / Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2017-12-20T15:07:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Larissa Wegner Cezar.pdf: 1841660 bytes, checksum: de6d76d2b948ea80dc2b313934663fb2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T15:07:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Larissa Wegner Cezar.pdf: 1841660 bytes, checksum: de6d76d2b948ea80dc2b313934663fb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES. / Ecological heritage, as well as other collective property, became commoditized in the so-called neoliberal context after the 1970s. The environment, which is an integral part of the list of fundamental rights and duties provided for in the 1988 Constitution, is Common use of all, aimed at meeting the most fundamental needs related to life and dignity. In this section, we refer, specifically in the present study, to the theme of the environmental protection instrument, belonging to the National Environmental Policy, that is, environmental licensing. The licensing regulatory framework is under pressure for the privatization of natural resources, essential assets for the community, which wants to make the licensing process more flexible. On the other hand, there is talk of protecting the environment as a common heritage, and the need to improve the licensing process, not to make it more flexible, but to make it more effective and fulfilling its purposes. Thus, according to a dialectical methodological conception and through the methodology called "content analysis", we tried to answer the research questions. The question was asked about the effectiveness of the licensing instrument, with a focus on the socio-environmental rights of populations directly or indirectly affected by environmental disasters, as well as the possible consequences of making the procedure envisaged through the draft laws in the pipeline more flexible. Through the analysis of the disaster that occurred in Mariana / MG in 2015, as well as of some bills that aim to make licensing legislation more flexible, having as reference the theoretical and conceptual apparatus offered by David Harvey, it is intended to discuss the dignified Environmental licensing and the Environmental Impact Study in Brazil, especially from the point of view of people directly affected by major works and extreme events. It is intended that this study provide elements for an academically critical analysis of the legal-political problem of socio-environmental disasters.