A presente dissertação aborda a trajetória histórica das relações econômicas e políticas entre o Brasil e a Bolívia no período que compreende o início da década de 1990 e os primeiros anos do século XXI. O caso emblemático da nacionalização dos hidrocarbonetos em 2006 é o marco final de um percurso histórico da relação marcada pela conformação, em ambos os países, de um modelo econômico neoliberal. O neoliberalismo realizou uma transformação no padrão de reprodução do capital deixando no passado a centralidade das aspirações industriais para, com as privatizações, consolidar um padrão exportador de especialização produtiva, que, segundo nosso estudo alicerçado na teoria do subimperialismo, resultou em uma diferença qualitativa entre o papel no sistema internacional de uma economia subimperialista dependente como a brasileira e uma economia dependente como a Bolívia. Abordamos a trajetória da relação entre Brasil e Bolívia com ênfase nas relações econômicas e tratativas políticas entorno do gás natural e da trajetória da Petrobras no país andino. Nossa reflexão sobre a teoria do subimperialismo, que foi originalmente formulada por Ruy Mauro Marini, ainda no final dos anos 1960, serve como base para análise do caso da nacionalização dos hidrocarbonetos e da crise causada por esse processo na relação entre Brasil e Bolívia e do papel econômico que a Petrobras cumpre no país vizinho, retomamos esta categoria para analisar a atual etapa de desenvolvimento do capitalismo latino americano e o papel do Brasil no cenário sul-americano e mundial. / This essay analyses the historical path of economic and political relations between Brazil and Bolivia from the early 1990s to the beginning of the twenty-first century. Our study, based on the theory of sub-imperialism, shows that neoliberalism transformed the parameters of economic reproduction in these countries by leaving behind industrial aspirations in lieu of privatizations, which established a pattern of specialized production export. The emblematic case of Bolivia's full nationalization of hydrocarbon resources, in 2006, is a milestone in a historical relationship of resignation, in both countries, to a neoliberal economic model. This resulted in a qualitative difference in the roles played by a sub-imperialist dependent economy like Brazil, and a dependent economy like Bolivia, in the international system. We approach the relationship between Brazil and Bolivia with an emphasis on economic relations and political treaties surrounding natural gas and Petrobras trajectory in Bolivia. Our thoughts on the theory of sub-imperialism, originally formulated by Marini in the late 1960s, serve as a starting point to examine the Bolivian nationalization of hydrocarbons, the resulting crisis between Brazil and Bolivia, and how Petrobras economic role in Bolivia was affected. We bring this discussion to light in order to examine the current stage of development of Latin American capitalism, and Brazil's role in the regional and global scenarios.

This paper intends to show that the problem is not in the model itself but in the mismanagement of the prescribed policies. Despite their different social and economical structures, Argentina and Peru faced similar problems during the same period (1990-2000): a hyperinflation in the beginning and an institutional crisis at the end. After several years of economic recovery, Argentina faced a big political and economic crisis and after blaming to the so-called «neoliberal policy», reverses her policy. Actually Peru has better perspectives and Argentina has a collapse in perspective. / La intención de este trabajo es mostrar que el problema no se encuentra en el modelo en sí, sino en el gerenciamiento erróneo de las políticas. A pesar de las diferentes estructuras sociales y económicas, Argentina y Perú enfrentaron problemas similares durante el mismo período (1990-2000): una hiperinflación al comienzo y una crisis institucional al final. Después de varios años de recuperación, Argentina enfrentó una grave crisis política y económica y luego de responsabilizar a la llamada «política neoliberal», revirtió su política. Actualmente Perú tiene mejores perspectivas y Argentina tiene un colapso en perspectiva.

abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of neoliberalism on the occurrence and intervention of genocide, particularly the ability to create othered groups through a process of dehumanization that desensitizes those in power to the human condition. I propose Social Externalization Theory as paradigm that explains how neoliberalism can be used as a means social control to create subjects vulnerable to political and collective violence that is justified as the externalized cost of economic growth, development, and national security. Finally, the conflict in Darfur (2003 - 2010) serves as a case study to analyze the influence of neoliberal policies on the resistance of the International community to recognize the violence as genocide. Analysis of the case study found that some tenets of neoliberalism produce results that fit within the ideologies of genocide and that some aspects of neoliberalism assume a genocidal mentality. In this case, those in positions power engage in daily activities that justify some suffering as acceptable, thus desensitizing them to the harm that their decisions generate. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Justice Studies 2013

abstract: Mixed-income housing policy has been an approach to address the problem of concentrated poverty since the 1990s. The idea of income mix in housing is founded on the proposition that economic opportunities of the poor can be expanded through the increasing of their social capital. The current in-depth case study of Vineyard Estates, a mixed-income housing development in Phoenix, AZ tests a hypothesis that low-income people improve their chances of upward social mobility by building ties with more affluent residents within the development. This study combines qualitative and quantitative methods to collect and analyze information including analysis of demographic data, resident survey and in-depth semi-structured interviews with residents, as well as direct observations. It focuses on examining the role of social networks established within the housing development in generating positive economic outcomes of the poor. It also analyzes the role of factors influencing interactions across income groups and barriers to upward social mobility. Study findings do not support that living in mixed-income housing facilitates residents' upward social mobility. The study concludes that chances of upward social mobility are restrained by structural factors and indicates a need to rethink the effectiveness of mixed-income housing as an approach for alleviating poverty. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.U.E.P. Urban and Environmental Planning 2013

abstract: This dissertation integrates humanities with social science methodologies within a critical framework, seeking to explore the relationship between the neoliberal restructuring and the intersection of gender, class and heteronormativity in contemporary China. In this project, neoliberalism is conceptualized as an art of governance centering on the intersection of race, gender, class and sexuality to create market subjects and sustain market competition. Focusing on China's recent socio-economic and cultural upheavals, this dissertation tries to address these questions: 1. How have class inequalities, binaristic gender and heteronormative discourses been employed intersectionally by the Chinese state to facilitate China's social transformation? 2. How has this process been justified and consolidated through the intersection of gender, class, sexuality and race? 3. How do the marginalized groups respond to these material and cultural practices? Building on the discursive analysis of China's televised 60th anniversary ceremony and If You Are the One, a popular Chinese reality show, as well as the data from the interview, focus group and participant observation of more than 100 informants, it is found that the intersection of gender, class and heteronormativity is central to China's neoliberal transition. A group of flexible and cheap laborers have been disarticulated and rearticulated from the population as the voluntary servitude to China's marketization and re-integration with the global economy. New controlling images, such as the bourgeois nucleus family, are created to legitimize this process. However, these disparate material and discursive practices have entailed contradictions and conflicts within the intersectional biopolitical system, and created contingent spaces of ungovernability for the marginalized groups. Building on these discursive analyses and empirical data, I reconceptualize intersectionality as a multi-dimensional-and-directional network to regulate and manage power for social organization and regulation, which grounds the biopolitical basics for the neoliberal economy. Thus I argue that we need to engage with the dynamics between the intersectional biopolitical structure and people's emerging experiences to construct a grounded utopia alternative to the neoliberal dominance for substantive social changes. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Gender Studies 2013

Recent scholarship on the impact of neoliberalism in education centers on the creation of policies, curricula, and programming, positioning education as a system that produces marketable, entrepreneurially-minded, global workers (DeLissovoy, 2015; Peters, 2017). What is less known are the ways in which economic principles and mechanisms work in school systems, and how these changes affect teachers and social studies disciplines. Through a critical discourse analysis of policy and other official education documents, interviews, and focus groups with experienced administrators and social studies teachers in the province of Nova Scotia, Canada, I argue that changes in education policy between 1994-2016 have altered the purpose of public education, entangling schooling with economic and accountability goals of the province. The purpose of this qualitative study is threefold: first, using Foucault’s (2008), and later Stephen Ball’s (2013a) theorization, I investigate the extent to which neoliberal governmentality shaped education policy changes in Nova Scotia between 1994-2016. Second, I examine how these changes implicate educators in practice, including the ways teachers perceive changes to their jobs over the last decade. Lastly, I explore the state of high school social studies in Nova Scotia as a site to test the micro-effects of neoliberalism and governmentality in changing policies and practices in education. I conclude that neoliberal governmentality has emerged in distinct patterns in Nova Scotia, which articulate with specific policy technologies and practices in education. Such patterns include the strategic use of economic and educational crises to forward neoliberal policy reform, the expansion of governmental mechanisms to track student and teacher performance, and the dis-articulation of social studies disciplines from the education system.

Malgré le nombre et la qualité des travaux sur le néolibéralisme, la pensée néolibérale britannique est encore mal connue aujourd’hui, notamment parce qu’elle est souvent ramenée à sa seule dimension négative, telle qu’elle s’exprime par exemple dans le célèbre essai publié en 1944 par Friedrich Hayek, La route de la servitude, où se trouve développée une critique systématique de toutes les formes d’interventionnisme économique. Afin d’enrichir les recherches existantes, nous avons entrepris de dégager la dimension positive de la pensée néolibérale, à partir d’une enquête terminologique sur les définitions que les néolibéraux donnent du mot néolibéralisme et de ses équivalents, comme libertarianisme. Il apparaît que, loin de prôner le laissez-faire communément imputé aux libéraux classiques, les néolibéraux ambitionnent de mettre en ordre les activités marchandes en fixant le cadre juridique du marché, c’est-à-dire en affinant les lois qui règlementent les comportements des agents économiques, au premier rang desquels se trouvent les grandes entreprises. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ce premier néolibéralisme, théorisé durant l’entre-deux-guerres, subit un mouvement de radicalisation doctrinale qui donne naissance à un second néolibéralisme, moins soucieux de circonscrire juridiquement les comportements des agents économiques que de contraindre constitutionnellement ceux des agents politiques, tenus désormais pour uniques responsables des dysfonctionnements du système capitaliste. Au fil du temps, l’édification du cadre constitutionnel de l’État se substitue par conséquent à la construction du cadre juridique du marché. / Although the field of neoliberal studies is rich with diverse and valuable contributions, British neoliberal thought is still little known today, especially since it is often reduced to its negative dimension, as expressed for example in Friedrich Hayek’s famous 1944 essay, The Road to Serfdom, which systematically criticized all forms of economic interventionism. So as to fill this gap in the current state of research, this study sketches out the positive dimension of neoliberalism, starting with a terminological inquiry into the definitions that neoliberals gave of the word neoliberalism and of its equivalents, such as libertarianism. It appears that far from preaching the kind of do-nothing – or laissez-faire – policies commonly ascribed to classical liberals, neoliberals ambitioned to put economic activities in order by setting the legal framework of the market, that is to say by fine-tuning the laws that regulate the behavior of economic agents – first among whom stand corporations. This first neoliberalism, born during the inter-war period, underwent after the Second World War a process of doctrinal radicalization out of which emerged a second neoliberalism, less concerned with legally constraining the behavior of economic agents than with imposing constitutional restraints on the behavior of political agents, who were from then on seen to be the sole cause of all markets disturbances. Over time, creating the legal framework of the market therefore gave way to building the constitutional framework of the state.

A razão teria uma vocação totalitária? Foucault afirmou que uma das tarefas das Luzes era multiplicar os poderes políticos da razão e do conhecimento técnico e que desde o desenvolvimento do Estado moderno no século XIX o pensamento ocidental não cessou de criticar o papel da racionalidade das estruturas políticas, apontando seu crescente poder e seus consequentes excessos. Nas sociedades modernas, tal racionalidade caracteriza-se pelo fortalecimento do poder estatal aliado à biopolítica, ou seja, a gestão calculada dos indivíduos por meio de técnicas específicas de individuação e de normalização, dirigidas a cada um e ao conjunto dos cidadãos. A segurança é o instrumento técnico central da racionalidade política liberal e neoliberal. Sua análise por Foucault trouxe duas consequências importantes para a filosofia política: primeira, a concepção do indivíduo originariamente dotado de capacidades e direitos é criticada, pois trata-se de mostrar como o sujeito político é, em larga medida, \"fabricado\" por essas técnicas e dispositivos. Em seguida, à noção do poder soberano como unidade fundamental baseada na lei e no contrato Foucault contrapõe a descrição de múltiplos processos de subordinação e dominação dos governados. O objetivo da dissertação é estudar os dispositivos de segurança em Foucault, pois, na atualidade, mais e mais os Estados se valem da gestão securitária como instrumento de governo. Trata-se de compreender como a ação da normalização da segurança influencia o modo como os indivíduos transformam-se em sujeitos. Nesse percurso, apontaremos os desafios que a gestão securitária do poder político impõe às concepções tradicionais de soberania, de Estado e de sujeito político. / Would reason have a totalitarian vocation? Foucault asserted that one of the tasks of the Enlightenment was to multiply the political powers of reason and technical knowledge and that since the development of the modern state in the nineteenth century Western thought has not ceased to criticize the role of rationality of political structures, pointing to its growing power and their consequent excesses. In modern societies, such rationality is characterized by the strengthening of state power allied to biopolitics, that is, the calculated management of individuals through specific techniques of individuation and normalization, addressed to each and to all citizens. Security is the central technical instrument of liberal and neoliberal political rationality. Foucaults analysis has brought two important consequences to political philosophy: first, the conception of the individual originally endowed with capabilities and rights is criticized, since it is a question of showing how the political subject is to a large extent \"fabricated\" by these techniques and devices. Second, against the notion of sovereign power as a fundamental unit based on law and contract Foucault proposes the description of multiple processes of subordination and domination of the governed. The purpose of the dissertation is to study the security mechanisms in Foucaults oeuvre, since, at present, more and more States use security management as an instrument of government. Our goal is to understanding how the normalization of security influences the way individuals become subjects. We will point out the challenges that the security management of political power imposes on the traditional conceptions of sovereignty, state and political subject.

A partir da década de 1980, a disseminação de práticas macroeconômicas chamadas de neoliberais, cujo objetivo central é garantir a flexibilidade dos fluxos de capital em nível internacional, alterou não apenas os padrões mundiais de financiamento e comércio externo, mas toda a lógica de funcionamento da produção, do investimento, do consumo e das políticas dos governos. Tais alterações provocaram uma profunda redistribuição de funções entre os países no conjunto da economia internacional, abrindo espaço para o questionamento quanto a uma possível mudança da hierarquia historicamente estabelecida entre os países chamados do Centro e aqueles da Periferia. Este trabalho se insere nessa discussão, analisando o papel específico do Brasil no contexto da economia neoliberal e os impactos dessa inserção externa sobre a economia nacional. Partindo de uma revisão dos conceitos de neoliberalismo, desenvolvimento e dependência, e partindo também da concepção de que o Brasil foi progressivamente assumindo um papel de plataforma internacional de valorização financeira, nosso objetivo será o de mostrar que essa condição alterou substancialmente os parâmetros de definição de sua dependência externa, abrindo algumas possiblidades para a redução de sua vulnerabilidade. No entanto, a redução da dependência não significou uma associação imediata a melhores condições de desenvolvimento, o que exigiria do país um posicionamento adicional em termos da reconstrução de seu Projeto Nacional em meio à nova realidade do neoliberalismo internacional. Para a análise aqui efetuada, consideramos, sempre que possível no âmbito de comparações internacionais, o comportamento das contas externas, da composição do produto e dos mecanismos dinâmicos de incentivo à demanda e à inovação na economia brasileira em momentos de expansão e crise dos mercados financeiros, ressaltando o papel do dólar como condutor dos parâmetros de valorização. / Starting from the 1980\'s, the spread of the so called neoliberal macroeconomics practices, which were meant to guarantee international capital flows flexibility, changed not only commercial and financial world market patterns, but also, the functioning rationale of production, investment, consumption and government policies. Those changes created a profound redistribution of functions among countries in the international economic system, opening up the possibility of a much deeper change, involving the historically established relation between Center and Periphery countries. This thesis is part of this discussion analyzing the Brazilian specific role played in the context of the neoliberal economy and the impacts of its international position over the national economy. Departing from a revision of the concepts of neoliberalism, development and dependency and considering that the country was gradually assuming a role of international finance valorization platform, our goal is to show that this condition substantially altered the parameters from which external dependency was once defined, opening up some possibilities for the reduction of the vulnerability. Nevertheless, the dependency reduction did not create an immediate association with better conditions for development, which would ask for an additional statement from the country in terms of the reconstruction of its National Project in the new neoliberalism international reality. For this analysis, we consider, whenever possible in international comparisons, the behavior of Brazilian international accounts, internal product composition and dynamic mechanisms for demand and innovation incentives during financial markets expansions and crises, always highlighting the importance of the dollar as the regent of the valorization patterns.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / Neste trabalho realizamos uma arqueogenealogia acerca do empoderamento em saÃde. Levantamos discursos e prÃticas que atuam nas prÃticas cotidianas do cuidado de si e do outro, positivando certos tipos de poderes e de saÃdes. O inÃcio da pesquisa se deu colocando o empoderamento em saÃde como incÃgnita, para que pudÃssemos nos desfamiliarizar com o que supostamente se acredita sobre tal conceito e, a partir disso, investigar suas construÃÃes no campo da saÃde, assim como suas vizinhanÃas com outros campos. A partir do referencial foucaultiano da arqueogenealogia, buscamos responder Ãs questÃes: Que poder à esse que as pessoas empoderadas devem ter? Que pessoas devem ter poder? Que pessoas devem ter qual poder? E quem diz que as pessoas devem ter poder? Com este horizonte metodolÃgico, estabelecemos uma histÃria do empoderamento que nÃo encontra sua origem ou essÃncia, mas sim os erros, as falhas e as aproximaÃÃes que deram nascimento e vÃm fortalecendo tal conceito. Portanto, foi necessÃrio debruÃar-se sobre enunciados efetivos que se encontram em artigos acadÃmicos, cartilhas de organizaÃÃes internacionais e polÃticas pÃblicas. Com este movimento pudemos apreender um certo caminho do empoderamento que atua como tecnologia de reorganizaÃÃo do cuidado em saÃde a partir de uma axiomÃtica contemporÃnea biopolÃtica e neoliberal. NÃo vem se restringindo apenas à conduÃÃo dos processos de saÃde-adoecimento, mas produzindo um cuidado e gerenciamento da vida que a desenvolve e a lapida dentro de uma gestÃo econÃmica de si mesmo e da populaÃÃo. / In this work we perform an archeogenealogy about Health empowerment. We raise discourses and practices that act in the daily practices of caring for oneself and the other, that encourage certain types of powers and health. The research began by placing Health empowerment as an unknown figure, so that we could defamiliarize with what is supposedly believed about such concept and, from that, investigate its constructions in the health field, as well as its neighborhoods with other fields. From the foucaultian referential of archeogenealogy, we seek to answer the questions: Wich power is this that empowered people should have? Wich people should have power? Wich people should have that power? And who says people should have power? With this methodological horizon, we establish a history of empowerment that does not find its origin or essence, but rather the mistakes, failures and approximations that gave birth and strengthen this concept. Therefore, it was necessary to look at actual statements found in academic articles, booklets of international organizations and public policies. With this movement we were able to apprehend a certain path of empowerment that acts as a technology for the reorganization of health care from a contemporary bio-political and neoliberal axiomatics. It is not only restricted to the conduct of health-illness processes, but also produces care and management of the life that develops and eliminates it within an economic management of oneself and of the population.