As empresas militares e de segurança privadas (EMSPs) deixam de atuar apenas para Estados e outras corporações, e expandem as suas atividades para o contexto de paz da ONU. A organização busca as EMSPs para melhor atender aos desafios apresentados nos contextos cada vez mais instáveis nos quais as suas operações de paz se desenvolvem. Considerando esse contexto, a dissertação proposta possui como escopo a busca por respostas ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: tendo em vista a crescente tendência na privatização dos serviços de segurança em operações de paz da ONU, de que forma as EMSPs atuam nesse cenário? A partir disso, existe algum meio pelo qual a ONU pode responder por eventuais ilícitos cometidos pelas EMSPs? Para responder a estes problemas, o método de abordagem adotado foi o hipotético-dedutivo. A atuação das EMSPs no âmbito da ONU se dá por meio da provisão de atividades de segurança, além de serviços de inteligência, de treinamento, de desminagem, entre outros. O engajamento entre a ONU e as EMSPs pode ocorrer de duas formas diversas. No primeiro caso, haverá a contratação diretamente pela organização e, no segundo, haverá a contratação da EMSP por um Estado-membro da ONU, o qual disponibilizará tropas para que atuem nas operações de paz. Esse cenário gera preocupações referentes ao potencial risco de impactos negativos que as EMSPs pode ter sobre a imagem da organização, uma vez que referidas empresas possuem um histórico de violações aos direitos humanos. Com isso, deve-se verificar se a ONU pode responder pelas EMSPs que perpetrem atos ilícitos no cenário de suas missões de paz. Para isso, parte-se da atribuição da conduta ilícita à organização, que ocorrerá conforme a forma de engajamento. Quando houver a contratação direta, a ONU não considera as EMSPs agentes e não assume a responsabilidade. Quando há a disponibilização de EMSPs como parte de tropas estatais, elas serão tratadas de forma análoga às tropas regulares e a ONU assume a responsabilidade. A reparação de danos causados a terceiros em decorrência de violações será feita pela organização, observados certos limites. Assim, em muitos casos as vítimas terão seu acesso à justiça frustrados em função das imunidades das quais a ONU goza. Não obstante a falta de previsões das quais decorra a responsabilidade da ONU no caso de violações cometidas por EMSPs, verifica-se que a estrutura normativa internacional não endereça essa questão, e refere, comumente, a relação entre Estados e EMSPs. Isso seria sanado por meio da elaboração de um documento vinculante a todos os atores que atuam nesse contexto, o que exige esforços de toda a comunidade internacional e, por isso, apresenta-se como um grande desafio. / Private military and security companies (PMSCs) cease to act only for states and other corporations, and expand their activities into the UN peace operations context. The organization seeks PMSCs to better address the challenges posed in the increasingly unstable contexts in which its peace operations develop. Considering this context, the proposed dissertation has as its goal the search for answers to the following research problem: in view of the growing tendency in the privatization of security services in UN peace operations, in what way do PMSCs act in this scenario? From this, is there any means by which the UN can respond for any wrongdoing committed by the PMSCs? To respond to these problems, the approach method adopted was the hypothetico-deductive. The activities of the PMSCs within the scope of the UN are provided through the provision of security activities, as well as intelligence, training, demining services, among others. Engagement between the UN and PMSCs can occur in two different ways. In the first case, the PMSC will be hired directly by the organization, and in the second a UN member-State will hire the PMSC and make it available as its troops to work in UN peace operations. This scenario raises concerns about the potential risk of negative impacts that PMSCs may have on the organization's image, since these companies have a history of human rights violations. With this, it must be verified if the UN can be responsible for the PMSCs that perpetrate illicit acts in the context of its peace operations. Therefore, it starts from the attribution of the unlawful conduct to the organization, which will occur according to the form of engagement. When there is direct hiring, the UN does not consider the PMSCs its agents and does not assume responsibility. When PMSCs are made available as part of state troops, they will be treated in the same way as regular troops and the UN takes responsibility. The reparation of harm caused to third parties as a result of violations will be made by the organization, subject to certain limits. Thus, in many cases the victims will have their access to justice frustrated by the immunities enjoyed by the UN. Notwithstanding the lack of predictions of UN responsibility in the case of violations committed by PMSCs, it is clear that the international normative framework does not address this issue, and commonly refers to the relationship between States and PMSCs. This would be remedied through the drafting of a binding document on all actors working in this context, which calls for the efforts of the entire international community and therefore presents itself as a major challenge.

Sweden has a long tradition of participation in different kinds of peacekeeping missions. During the Cold War, Sweden’s troop contributions were exclusively focused on UN operations, but in the early 1990s Sweden’s official troop contribution policy changed from an “only under the UN flag” position to one of “only under UN Security Council mandate”. It is fair to say that Sweden’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental changes and the country has been contributing military forces to both EU and NATO missions for quite some time. Swedish foreign policy debate has largely been characterized by a sense of political unity or consensus. Despite this, there have been occasions when the political parties have been in disagreement. There are studies that confirm that the level of conflict in the foreign policy debate has increased over time. Political and ideological disagreements do exist and the political landscape has changed during the last 10 years. These changes should also have an impact on foreign policy decisions. The aim of this study is to investigate the political decision making process regarding Swedish military international missions. It will examine the political unity in the decisions concerning eight different cases; Kosovo (1999-2010), Congo (2003) , Liberia (2003-2006), Afghanistan (2004-2014), Chad (2007), Somalia (2009-2017), Libya (2011) and Mali (2015 à).  The focus for the study will be the political unity regarding the decision process within Parliament and, more specifically, the work of the combined Foreign affairs and Defence committee, and the debates in Parliament. The empirical analysis reveals that the rate of political controversy has increased. However, there is still a great sense of unity and broad agreement among the political parties on the main question regarding troop contributions.  In many cases any conflict and debate concern side issues such as timings, personnel and finance. The two main parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, are generally in agreement. They also conduct negotiations before a proposition becomes official, which leads to less conflict in the subsequent debate. The study also reveals a higher level of opposition from the Left party and from the Sweden Democrats. Some of their opposition can have ideological explanations. The Left party is mainly critical about participation in NATO missions.

China and USA in UN Peace Operations in 1989-2010 Mgr. Jitka Evanová Summary The thesis discusses the growing role of China and decreasing role of USA in UN peace operations since 1989 with the aim to find the reasons behind their behavior. First, two chosen theories of international relations - neorealism and its modified version and English school - are described, independent variables determined and consequent hypotheses formulated. Second, the increasing Chinese and decreasing American activities in UN peace operations is shown by describing their gradually changing behavior in three areas: voting in the Security Council, personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and financial contributions to the UN peacekeeping budget. Third, the hypotheses are tested using the congruence method that examines the explanatory power of the theories. If a reality is consistent with the hypotheses' prediction, there is a possiblity of a causal relationship between independent variable and the dependent one. I conclude that modified neorealim has the highest explanatory power as its predictions are consistent with the outcome in both cases. English school can to a certain degree explain Chinese behavior but is weak in the American case. Neorealist predictions are weak in both cases. In the end, I suggest possible...

Bolstering local perceptions of legitimacy in armed intervention has emerged as an important feature of increasingly complex international peace and statebuilding efforts. Yet, previous research has only begun to explore what local legitimacy entails to those involved in, and affected by, armed intervention. This dissertation advances an understanding of local legitimacy as a perception-based, relational phenomenon. Through this lens, it examines armed intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014). In particular, this dissertation studies how the relationship between Afghan citizens and intervening armed forces interacts with, and shapes, perspectives on local legitimacy held by the main 'interveners' and those 'intervened upon'. This dissertation consists of an introduction, which situates the study in a wider context, and four essays. Beginning with the organizational perspectives of the main intervening actors in Afghanistan, Essay I finds that the UN and NATO initially conceptualized problems of local legitimacy as principally the consequence of a fragile Afghan state, and not as failings of the intervention. When negative dimensions of intervention became increasingly recognized, principal responsibility for the legitimacy process shifted away from intervening authorities and onto the Afghan state. Similarly, Essay II shows how key U.S. military doctrine, over time, reconceptualized the formal duty of intervening forces in the local legitimacy process, ultimately considering it contingent on, and subordinate to, the will and capabilities of host-state authorities and the local population. Turning thereafter to firsthand accounts from the field, Essay III and Essay IV together contrast personal perspectives on the intervention held by U.S. Army Officers and Afghan citizens. Essay III finds that personal experiences of noncombat contact with Afghans reinforced the Officers' sense of duty toward the local population. Conversely, Essay IV suggests that the local legitimacy of intervening forces became increasingly contested among Afghans, due largely to the perceived intensification of foreign intrusion on 'everyday' life. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation lay the foundation for the development of a new concept, the host-citizen contract. In so doing, it provides a social contract framework to better understand the complex dynamics of local legitimacy in Afghanistan, and beyond.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-07-17T15:17:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Wemblley Lucena de Araújo.pdf: 40140583 bytes, checksum: 0c11a5dac2db6c840c56a65b28f31609 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-17T15:17:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Wemblley Lucena de Araújo.pdf: 40140583 bytes, checksum: 0c11a5dac2db6c840c56a65b28f31609 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-18 / CAPES / The present dissertation aims to analyze the position of Brazil in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) about the peace operations in Haiti and East Timor. Since its first performances until the latest mandates in United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the Brazil intends to integrate this body of definite form and from that status, raising its prestige and influence in the international arena. The Brazilian claims due to a permanent seat on the UNSC defend security at the regional level (Haiti - Latin America and the Caribbean) and the strengthening of procedures for cooperation with the countries of the region (Haiti) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries - CPLP (East Timor) – are characterized as axes that reinvigorate the importance of Brazil's role within the UNSC. Thus, Haiti and East Timor are emblematic cases of engagement of Brazilian foreign policy in troubled conflict scenarios and systematically discussed in the UNSC. Thus, based on the use of a descriptive, analytical and qualitative methodology, the central objective of this dissertation is to analyze the Brazilian position in the UNSC about the discussions on peace operations in Haiti and East Timor, and from that position, discuss the main paradigmatic elements that contribute to the understanding of Brazilian foreign policy. / A presente dissertação tem como propósito analisar a posição do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste. Desde suas primeiras atuações no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) aos mandatos mais recentes, o Brasil intenciona integrar de forma definitiva nesse organismo e a partir desse status, elevar o seu prestígio e a sua influência no cenário internacional. As pretensões brasileiras em função de um assento permanente no CSNU, na defesa da segurança no âmbito regional (Haiti – América Latina e Caribe) e no fortalecimento dos processos de cooperação com os países da região (Haiti) e da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – CPLP (Timor Leste) – se configuram como eixos que revigoram a importância da atuação do Brasil no âmbito do CSNU. Desse modo, o Haiti e o Timor Leste constituem casos emblemáticos do engajamento da política externa brasileira em cenários conturbados por conflitos e sistematicamente discutidos no âmbito do CSNU. Dessa forma, baseando-se na utilização de uma metodologia descritiva, analítica e qualitativa, o objetivo central dessa dissertação consiste em analisar o posicionamento brasileiro no CSNU diante das discussões sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste, e a partir desse posicionamento, discutir os principais elementos paradigmáticos que contribuem para o entendimento da política externa brasileira.

The international community has long relied on United Nations (UN) peace operations as the means of creating and maintaining international peace and security, however the realities of what a “successful” mission looks like remains obscured, as the experiences and definitions of success may differ between the various players involved. While a shared definition of success and operational structure remains elusive, it is clear that the assessment of UN missions must be conducted in a holistic manner, from mandate crafting, to mission transition and exit. Among these realities is that the assessment of UN peace operation success is all too often hindered by political partiality with the determination of mission success frequently held hostage by faulty political processes. It is essential that evaluative frameworks encompass the various stages of a peace operation, in order to illustrate the political challenges that often obstruct the planning and assessment of a UN mission. Highlighting the political obstacles associated with holistic mission planning and assessment, against the backdrop of ongoing, ad hoc UN peace operation deployments to Haiti, breaks down existing normative positions and exposes the realities and voids in current methodology.

Since the year of 2010, when the Swedish military made a transition from a conscript to a voluntary force, numerous people from the Swedish defence force have participated in international missions. This study seeks to understand the motivation and sacrifice behind the choice to travel abroad to countries like Afghanistan and Mali to preserve peace. This is being done through the theory of Helle Hein’s four motivational profiles, namely The Prima donna, The Performance Addict, The Pragmatist, and The Pay Check Worker. The empirical data consists of answers from 131 respondents to a survey sent to soldiers on duty in Mali (July 2016) and 3 semi-structured interviews with soldiers who have returned home. The result of the study is presented through various diagrams and show that the motivational factors of The Performance Addict overshadows the others. Furthermore is the theory’s relationship between motivational profile and level of sacrifice confirmed, even though it should be interpreted with some caution. / Sedan år 2010, när svenska försvaret gick i från ett värnplikts- till ett yrkesförsvar, har flera tusen svenska soldater deltagit i internationella insatser. Den här studien undersöker motivationsfaktorer och uppoffring hos de som väljer att åka till länder som Afghanistan och Mali för att bevara freden. Det sker genom Helle Heins fyra motivationsprofiler, nämligen Primadonnan, Prestationsjägaren, Pragmatikern och Löntagaren. Den empiriska datan består av svar från 131 respondenter från styrkan i Mali (juli 2016) samt 3 semi-strukturerade intervjuer med soldater som har återvänt hem. Resultatet av studien presenteras genom olika diagram och visar att motivationsfaktorerna hos Prestationsjägaren dominerar. Vidare bekräftas teorins samband mellan motivationsprofil och grad av uppoffring, även om det resultatet ska tolkas med viss försiktighet.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Gilberto Marcos Antonio Rodrigues / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Santo André, 2018.

[pt] A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9. / [en] The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.

Ce mémoire se penche sur la coopération inter-organisationnelle et les conséquences de la prolifération des acteurs sur la gestion de crise en Afrique, en se concentrant sur le cas du Mali. L'objectif de cette étude est de comprendre les obstacles qui entravent la coopération entre les organisations internationales et régionales dans le contexte des conflits contemporains. L'étude analyse et met en évidence trois périodes clés du conflit malien entre 2012 et 2021, afin d’analyser l'impact de la multiplication des acteurs sur la coopération. Basée sur la théorie des régimes complexes, cette étude met en évidence les obstacles persistants à la coopération inter- organisationnelle, dans un contexte de multiplication des acteurs. Les résultats montrent que malgré le fait que la coopération inter-organisationnelle est toujours présente entre, l'augmentation du nombre d'acteurs entrave les efforts de coordination, de division des tâches, et autres obstacles persistent. La concurrence dysfonctionnelle entre les acteurs, les dynamiques intraorganisationnelles complexes et les mandats peu clairs contribuent à une coopération inefficace. De plus, la présence de multiples acteurs dans l'environnement sécuritaire engorge les initiatives et limite l'efficacité des efforts de gestion de crise. Cette recherche souligne l'importance de trouver des mécanismes de coordination plus efficace et de renforcer la coopération entre les organisations afin de relever les défis de paix et de sécurité en Afrique. Les conclusions de cette étude peuvent informer les décideurs politiques et les praticiens engagés dans la gestion de crise et la construction de la paix sur la nécessité d'améliorer la coopération interorganisationnelle pour des réponses plus efficaces aux crises en Afrique. / This dissertation looks at inter-organizational cooperation and the consequences of the proliferation of actors on crisis management in Africa, focusing on the case of Mali. The aim of the study is to understand the obstacles to cooperation between international and regional organizations in the context of contemporary conflicts. The study analyzes and highlights three key periods of the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021, in order to analyze the impact of the multiplication of actors on cooperation. Based on the theory of regime complex, this study highlights the persistent obstacles to inter-organizational cooperation, in a context of multiplication of actors. The results show that although inter-organizational cooperation is still present between, the increase in the number of actors hinders efforts at coordination, division of tasks, and other obstacles persist. Dysfunctional competition between actors, complex intraorganizational dynamics and unclear mandates contribute to inefficient cooperation. Moreover, the presence of multiple actors in the security environment clogs up initiatives and limits the effectiveness of crisis management efforts. This research highlights the importance of finding more effective coordination mechanisms and strengthening cooperation between organizations in order to meet the challenges of peace and security in Africa. The findings of this study can inform policy-makers and practitioners engaged in crisis management and peace-building about the need to improve inter-organizational cooperation for more effective responses to crises in Africa.