This thesis investigates the use of Geographical Information Systems (GIS) mapping in UN Peace Operations. On the one hand, GIS use has been assumed to increase the efficiency and coordination of multi-dimensional peace missions. On the other, the Western universalist epistemology underlying GIS is thought to render its application, particularly in non-Western contexts neo-colonialist. These two framings of GIS as either inherently scientifically progressive or politically oppressive are over-deterministic. I argue that the politics of GIS use is contingent upon the ways in which understandings of the map are negotiated in practice. As an ethnographic study of three UN GIS mapping sites (a field mission in Timor-Leste, the Cartographic Section at the UN headquarters, and the GIS Center at the UN Logistics Base), drawing on interviews with practitioners, the thesis gives an account of a) the role of GIS in the field mission, b) GIS practitioners’ management of the technology and their everyday interaction with their clients, and c) its organization within the United Nations. In the thesis I conceptualize an epistemological fault between the professional communities of mappers and their clients which organizes GIS use. This fault separates those who understand the map as political abstract model from those who see it as a mere image of the world. As a consequence, it also separates those who understand mapping as a political practice from those who see it as mere matter of logistics. The meaning and organization of GIS use is thus contingent upon how these different understandings are contested or affirmed in the interaction between mappers and clients. Overall, this thesis emphasizes the role of understanding technology, space and logistics in the context of the politics of Peace Operations.

This thesis investigates how peace operations work. It contributes to the larger study of peace operation effectiveness by analysing the processes through which these institutions influence local actors in postconflict societies. Looking beyond traditional concerns with mandates and resources, it aims to understand how a peace operation seeks to achieve its goals, focusing on why local populations might cooperate with or obstruct its activities. The thesis draws on theories of social power, compliance and legitimation to answer four central questions: what power do peace operations have to achieve their objectives? From where do peace operations derive power? How do local perceptions of an operation enable or constrain its effectiveness? How are peace operations legitimised at the local level, and with what effect? It begins by critically reviewing the academic literature, arguing that existing approaches are unable to account for important dimensions of peace operation effectiveness because they neglect the local setting in which operations pursue their goals, and the extent to which the achievement of those goals requires local cooperation. It then develops an analytical framework to examine the processes of coercion, inducement and legitimacy through which peace operations seek to shape the decisions and actions of local actors. This power-legitimacy framework is applied to study the effectiveness of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and the Regional Assistance Mission in Solomon Islands (RAMSI). By comparing variation in local cooperation between and within these cases, the thesis shows that the way a peace operation is locally perceived is an important but often overlooked determinant of its effectiveness. In particular, when local actors perceive a peace operation to be legitimate, they are more likely to behave in ways that assist the operation to achieve its goals. The thesis concludes by discussing the implications of this finding for the future study and practice of peace operations.

In this thesis, I explore how the duration of missions affects the participation of women in United Nations (UN) peace operations. I argue that women are less likely to be deployed in the early stages of missions because new missions are associated with high levels of uncertainty which is ultimately a type of risk. Instead, women’s participation will increase as the uncertainty decreases and the operating environment becomes more predictable. I also test if more gender equal force contributing countries are less prone to deploy women to new missions due to a stronger gendered protection norm constraining deployment of women to risky environments. Applying a large-N approach, this thesis studies the proportion of women in military contributions to UN peace operations between 2009 and 2015. Using a set of multilevel mixed-effects generalized linear models, the main argument initially find empirical support. But, when the main findings are challenged through robustness tests, the results become somewhat ambiguous and it is not sound to exclude the possibility that unobserved factors drive the empirical results. This thesis does not find more gender equal countries to be less prone to deploy women to the early stages of missions. Rather, countries which see higher levels of gender equality seem more prone to deploy larger proportions of women, regardless of when the deployment takes place.

<p>Uppsatsen syftar till att försöka belysa vissa av de krav som ställs på svenska soldater och officerare som idag tjänstgör i utlandsstyrkan och hur deras utbildning möter de krav de ställs inför. Jag har undersökt vad doktrinen säger om hur försvarsmakten ska lösa sina uppgifter utomlands och vilken inriktning soldatutbildningen ska ha. Jag har sedan försökt arbeta mig nedåt i kedjan genom att undersöka kursbeskrivningar för officersutbildningen vid Markstridsskolan, jag har undersökt utbildningsdirektiv för soldater vid stridande förband för att till sist intervjuat en officer med lång erfarenhet av förbandstjänst. Jag har sedan skapat en kravlista som endast är exempel på de krav som kan ställas på svenskasoldater utomlands idag. Kravlistan skapades genom att studera litteratur som avhandlaroperationer liknande de fredsoperationer svenska försvarsmakten deltar i idag, samt litteratur som avhandlar de psykiska och fysiska reaktioner soldaten utsätts för när denne utsätts för stress iframför allt stridssituationer. Försvarsmakten utbildar idag sina soldater och officerare i väpnad strid vilket möter de flesta av de krav som ställs. Att skapa en säkerhet hos soldaten och officeren i sina befattningar och förbandskapar det många effekter som bidrar till att soldaten och officeren klarar av de situationer dessa kan ställas inför utomlands.</p> / <p><p>This paper attempts to highlight some of the demands placed on the Swedish soldiers and officers serving abroad today and how their training meets the demands they face. I have investigated what the doctrine says about how the armed forces should solve their tasks abroad and how we should train soldiers. I have then tried to work my way down the chain by examining the training guidelines for officers and soldiers and finally interviewed an officer with long experience of training soldiers. I have then created a list of requirements that are only examples of requirements imposed on theSwedish soldiers abroad today. The list of requirements was created by studying literature that deals with operations like the peacekeeping operations the Swedish armed forces are involved intoday, and literature that deals with the psychological and physical reactions when exposed to stress, particularly in combat situations. The armed forces is training its solider and officers in high intensity warfighting wich meets most of the demands. To create a self confidence within the soldier and officer in their function and units, it creates many effects that contribute to the ability to face situations abroad.</p></p>

Uppsatsen syftar till att försöka belysa vissa av de krav som ställs på svenska soldater och officerare som idag tjänstgör i utlandsstyrkan och hur deras utbildning möter de krav de ställs inför. Jag har undersökt vad doktrinen säger om hur försvarsmakten ska lösa sina uppgifter utomlands och vilken inriktning soldatutbildningen ska ha. Jag har sedan försökt arbeta mig nedåt i kedjan genom att undersöka kursbeskrivningar för officersutbildningen vid Markstridsskolan, jag har undersökt utbildningsdirektiv för soldater vid stridande förband för att till sist intervjuat en officer med lång erfarenhet av förbandstjänst. Jag har sedan skapat en kravlista som endast är exempel på de krav som kan ställas på svenskasoldater utomlands idag. Kravlistan skapades genom att studera litteratur som avhandlaroperationer liknande de fredsoperationer svenska försvarsmakten deltar i idag, samt litteratur som avhandlar de psykiska och fysiska reaktioner soldaten utsätts för när denne utsätts för stress iframför allt stridssituationer. Försvarsmakten utbildar idag sina soldater och officerare i väpnad strid vilket möter de flesta av de krav som ställs. Att skapa en säkerhet hos soldaten och officeren i sina befattningar och förbandskapar det många effekter som bidrar till att soldaten och officeren klarar av de situationer dessa kan ställas inför utomlands. / This paper attempts to highlight some of the demands placed on the Swedish soldiers and officers serving abroad today and how their training meets the demands they face. I have investigated what the doctrine says about how the armed forces should solve their tasks abroad and how we should train soldiers. I have then tried to work my way down the chain by examining the training guidelines for officers and soldiers and finally interviewed an officer with long experience of training soldiers. I have then created a list of requirements that are only examples of requirements imposed on theSwedish soldiers abroad today. The list of requirements was created by studying literature that deals with operations like the peacekeeping operations the Swedish armed forces are involved intoday, and literature that deals with the psychological and physical reactions when exposed to stress, particularly in combat situations. The armed forces is training its solider and officers in high intensity warfighting wich meets most of the demands. To create a self confidence within the soldier and officer in their function and units, it creates many effects that contribute to the ability to face situations abroad.

The main purpose of this thesis is to provide an understanding of the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations. The thesis explores why EU missions carry out mainly post-conflict peacebuilding tasks and whether the shift towards peacebuilding is about a substantial change of EU norms. The research analyses how peacebuilding in CSDP actions is framed, designed and operationalised through the complex decision- and policy-making processes within the CSDP. In particular, the thesis assesses how the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in the CSDP was influenced by the UN’s conceptualisation of peacebuilding and how the EU has developed its own distinctive approach to peacebuilding. While looking at the examples of civilian missions and military operations in Mali and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the thesis provides insights into the operational dynamics of peacebuilding under the CSDP. The thesis argues that CSDP missions and operations reflect a normative and practical commitment of the EU to international peacebuilding. CSDP actions deployed in post-conflict scenarios follow the logic of liberal peacebuilding strategies while aiming at the stabilisation, reconstruction and building of the institutions of a functioning state, in particular the military, police and justice sectors. The EU pursues its peacebuilding activities under the CSDP in a comprehensive, case-specific and geopolitically strategic way as demonstrated by case studies of Mali and Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the research reveals that, although the shift towards peacebuilding in CSDP actions has been underpinned by a change of normative approaches, driven by the reform process of the UN peacekeeping, it also reflects the EU’s preferences, pragmatic limits and capability-expectation gaps in crisis management.

Submitted by Kimberly Alves Digolin null (kimberly.alves.digolin@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-27T15:13:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 digolin_dissertação.pdf: 989039 bytes, checksum: 0a0cef04c657879a00b3a74c61c67b2e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-27T19:07:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 digolin_ka_me_mar.pdf: 989039 bytes, checksum: 0a0cef04c657879a00b3a74c61c67b2e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-27T19:07:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 digolin_ka_me_mar.pdf: 989039 bytes, checksum: 0a0cef04c657879a00b3a74c61c67b2e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Argentina, Brasil e Chile (ABC) possuem um histórico de conflitos envolvendo disputas territoriais e busca por predomínio regional, especialmente quando levamos em consideração os binômios Argentina-Brasil e Argentina-Chile. No entanto, apesar de as relações entre o ABC terem sido fortemente baseadas em percepções de concorrência e rivalidade – com intervalos de aproximação –, os países vêm alçando maior patamar de cooperação a partir das últimas décadas do século XX. Na área de defesa e segurança internacional, esse esforço cooperativo entre os países ganha especial destaque no âmbito das operações de paz, exemplificado pela assinatura de acordos e memorandos, bem como pelo estabelecimento de exercícios combinados e treinamentos conjuntos. Considerando que a política internacional é socialmente construída, o problema de pesquisa indicado é: a despeito da rivalidade na qual as relações entre o ABC se desenvolveram, de que forma esses países têm cooperado na área de operações de paz? Isto posto, o objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a atuação conjunta do ABC nas operações de paz sob a égide da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), bem como as iniciativas de cooperação existentes na área, buscando avaliar seus objetivos, estrutura, avanços e resultados. O recorte temporal está delimitado entre 1990 e 2016, uma vez que esse período marca a superação das relações mais conflituosas e o crescimento exponencial da participação em missões da ONU. Para tanto, o estudo pretende traçar uma linha histórica que permita avaliar as relações entre o ABC, a participação desses países nas operações de paz das Nações Unidas, os exercícios combinados e iniciativas conjuntas nesse âmbito, bem como a atuação nas missões que contaram com efetivos dos três países. Quais sejam: Missão de Observação das Nações Unidas em El Salvador (ONUSAL); Força das Nações Unidas para a Manutenção da Paz no Chipre (UNFICYP); Missão de Administração Interina das Nações Unidas no Kosovo (UNMIK); Administração de Transição das Nações Unidas em Timor Leste (UNTAET); Missão de Apoio das Nações Unidas em Timor Leste (UNMISET); e Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH). / Argentina, Brazil, and Chile (ABC) have a history of conflicts involving territorial disputes and search for regional predominance, especially when we take into account the Argentina-Brazil and Argentina-Chile binomials. However, although relations between ABC have been strongly based on perceptions of competition and rivalry – with approximation interludes – those countries have been increasing cooperation levels since the last decades of the twentieth century. This cooperative effort gains special prominence in the field of peace operations, exemplified by the signing of agreements and memos, as by the establishment of joint exercises and training. Considering that international politics is socially constructed, the research problem indicated is: despite the rivalry in which relations between the ABC have developed, in which way these countries cooperate in the area of peace operations? This proposal aims to analyze the joint action of the ABC in peace operations under the aegis of the United Nations (UN), as well as the existing cooperation initiatives in the area, seeking to evaluate its objectives, structure, progress, and results. The timeline is limited between 1990 and 2016 since this period marks the overcoming of the most conflictive relations and the exponential growth of participation in UN missions. To this end, the study intends to draw a historical line to assess the relationship between the ABC, the participation of these countries in United Nations peace operations, joint exercises and joint initiatives in that field, as well as the practices that involved the missions in which all those countries sent effectives: United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL); United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP); United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK); United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET); United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET); and the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). / Argentina, Brasil y Chile (ABC) poseen una historia de conflictos que involucra disputas territoriales y busca por predominio regional, especialmente cuando consideramos los binomios Argentina-Brasil y Argentina-Chile. Sin embargo, a pesar de que las relaciones entre el ABC han sido fuertemente basadas en percepciones de competencia y rivalidad -con intervalos de aproximación-, los países vienen alzando más alto nivel de cooperación a partir de las últimas décadas del siglo XX. En el área de defensa y seguridad internacional, ese esfuerzo cooperativo entre los países gana especial destaque en el marco de las operaciones de paz, ejemplificado por la firma de acuerdos y memorandos, así como por el establecimiento de ejercicios combinados y entrenamientos conjuntos. Considerando que la política internacional es socialmente construida, el problema de investigación indicado es: a pesar de la rivalidad en la cual las relaciones entre el ABC se desarrollaron, ¿de qué forma estos países han cooperado en el área de operaciones de paz? El objetivo de la presente propuesta es analizar las prácticas que involucraron la actuación conjunta del ABC en las operaciones de paz bajo la égida de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU), así como las iniciativas de cooperación existentes en el área, buscando evaluar sus objetivos, la estructura, los avances y los resultados. El recorte temporal está delimitado entre 1990 y 2016, ya que ese período marca la superación de las relaciones más conflictivas y el crecimiento exponencial de la participación en misiones de la ONU. Para esto, el estudio pretende trazar una línea histórica que permita evaluar las relaciones entre el ABC, la participación de esos países en las operaciones de paz de las Naciones Unidas, los ejercicios combinados e iniciativas conjuntas en ese ámbito, así como la actuación en las misiones que contaron con efectivos de los tres países. Las misiones son: Misión de Observación de las Naciones Unidas en El Salvador (ONUSAL); Fuerza de las Naciones Unidas para el Mantenimiento de la Paz en Chipre (UNFICYP); Misión de Administración Interina de las Naciones Unidas en Kosovo (UNMIK); Administración de Transición de las Naciones Unidas en Timor Oriental (UNTAET); Misión de Apoyo de las Naciones Unidas en Timor Oriental (UNMISET); y Misión de las Naciones Unidas para la Estabilización de Haití (MINUSTAH).

[pt] As operações de manutenção da paz da ONU surgiram no contexto da Guerra Fria, concebidas, basicamente como forças militares de interposição, com a função de monitorar cessar-fogos entre as partes adversárias em conflitos interestatais. As mudanças operadas no contexto normativo internacional pós Guerra Fria forneceram as bases para o surgimento das operações de paz multidimensionais, voltadas para a resolução de conflitos intra-estatais, através da implementação de acordos de paz entre as partes. Com uma multiplicidade funções e componentes, a atuação dessas missões passou a englobar a reconstrução institucional de estados pós-conflitos. O presente estudo tem como objetivo examinar o processo de institucionalização de um quadro de referência para as operações de paz multidimensionais, contendo princípios, normas e procedimentos gerais orientadores das suas atividades nos campos de direitos humanos, polícia civil e assistência eleitoral. O argumento central é o de que este quadro de referência é o resultado das interações entre o Secretariado e os Estados membros da ONU. É, também, o produto do impacto que os contextos normativos dentro e fora da estrutura onusiana têm nas identidades e nas preferências destes atores acerca das políticas da organização na área de atuação em foco. Neste estudo enfatizamos o papel do burocracia onusiana como ator neste processo. / [en] The UN peacekeeping operations emerged in the context of the Cold War. They were basically conceived as military interposition forces, to monitor cease-fires between parties in interstates conflicts. After the Cold War the normative changes in the international context provided for the emergence of the UN multidimensional peace operations. These operations were aimed at the resolution of intrastate conflicts, by means of the assistance on the implementation of peace agreements between the parties. With multiple functions, as well as components, the purposes of these new missions included the post-conflict reconstruction of states. The objective of this study is to examine the process of institutionalization of a framework for the UN multidimensional peace operations, including principles, norms and guidelines for the fulfillment of their tasks in the fields of human rights, civilian police and electoral assistance. The central argument here is that the current framework is the result of the interactions between the UN Secretariat and the member states. It is also the product of the impact of the normative contexts outside and within the UN structure on the identities and preferences of the actors concerning the policies of the Organization in the area in focus. The role of the UN bureaucracy in this process is emphasized in this study.

[pt] Durante a Guerra Fria, as relações civil-militares eram uma questão essencialmente interna; a cooperação militar se concentrava na capacitação. Com a ascensão da agenda de reforma do setor de segurança (SSR), a ONU e doadores internacionais procuram conformar as relações civil-militares de países que emergem do conflito. O tema é herdeiro do impacto do declínio da Guerra Fria sobre a integração européia, a agenda de desenvolvimento e as operações de paz da ONU. A agenda é contestada por ONGs e o Movimento Não-Alinhado, preocupados com o desvio de recursos do desenvolvimento e o aumento do arbítrio do Conselho de Segurança. No caso do Timor, a administração transitória de 1999 considerou que não lhe cabia papel no apoio às forças armadas. Após a crise de 2006 - em que exército e polícia se envolveram em extrema politização, violações de direitos humanos e deserções em série - a nova operação de paz recebeu mandato explícito para apoiar a reavaliação do setor de segurança. O estudo analisa como a postura da ONU no terreno acompanhou a evolução da agenda de SSR na sede. / [en] During the Cold War, civil-military relations where essentially an internal matter; military cooperation focused on capacities. With the rise of the security sector reform (SSR) agenda, the UN and the donor community seek to actively shape the civil-military relations of countries emerging from conflict. The theme is heir to the impact of the Cold War`s decline on European integration, the development agenda, and UN peacekeeping operations. The agenda is contested by NGOs and the Non-Aligned Movement, concerned with the reduction of resources for development and increasing authority of the Security Council. In the case of Timor, the transitory administration of 1999 considered it had no role in support of the armed forces. After the 2006 crisis - in which army and police were involved in extreme politicization, human rights violations and serial desertion - the new peacekeeping operation was given an explicit mandate to support the review of the security sector. The study analyzes how the UN`s position in the field followed the evolution of the SSR agenda at headquarters.

Peacekeepers are widely viewed as being at growing risk of direct and deliberate violence. Attacks are recorded in many and diverse contexts, targeting interventions deployed by both the United Nations and other organisations. This dissertation seeks to advance the understanding of such violence, studying its causes, characteristics and consequences. The impact of deliberate violence against peacekeepers can be severe; it often extends past those immediately affected and impacts interveners’ ability to accomplish their aims. As a topic of scientific inquiry, however, violence against peacekeepers has only recently seen a growth in interest, and systematic study has so far been sparse. This dissertation makes a number of theoretical and empirical contributions to this emerging area of research. The dissertation contains four individual essays. To set the stage and provide foundations for further studies, Essay I specifies key concepts and maps the research field to date. It promotes a wider, and arguably more theoretically appropriate, conceptualisation of violence against peacekeepers than used in earlier studies. Essay II presents new, systematically collected event data on violence against UN and non-UN peacekeepers deployed to conflict-affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa between 1989 and 2009. Patterns from the data demonstrate that, while widely prevalent, violence against peacekeepers is not ubiquitous to peacekeeping and displays considerable variation within and across interventions. Drawing on this novel data, Essay III provides one of the first systematic studies on the time-varying determinants of rebel attacks on peacekeepers, showing its occurrence to be closely linked to rebel performance on the battlefield. Finally, Essay IV explores how operating in a challenging security environment can affect peacekeepers’ ability to perform core mission functions, drawing on the case of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). The analysis illustrates how such an environment may expose and further constrain already limited capabilities and willingness for robust and armed action in UN peacekeeping operations. Taken together, the essays advance our understanding of the causes, characteristics and consequences of violence against peacekeepers.