Syftet med denna studie är att med hjälp av modeller om medborgarskap undersöka blivande gymnasielärares syn på medborgarskap och politiskt deltagande i förhållande till sig själva och deras framtida elever. Studien berör blivande lärares föreställningar kring fyra områden; politiskt deltagande, medborgarskap, kontroversiella ämnen och politisk aktivism samt undersöker förväntningarna som de har på elever utifrån dessa fyra huvudpunkter. Materialet har samlats in genom kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med fyra stycken blivande gymnasielärare utifrån en semistrukturerad modell. De har därefter analyserats med hjälp av olika kärnfrågor och de fyra områden – som presenterats ovan – med ursprung från Isin & Turners modeller för medborgarskap. Kärnfrågor i detta fall är de frågor i intervjuguiden (Se Bilaga 2) som baserats på de frågeställningar som studien bygger på. Svaren har sammanfattats och presenterats i en tabell där varje respondents svar har jämförts med varandra för att synliggöra återkommande mönster och föreställningar. Resultatet visar både likheter och skillnader mellan respondenternas och utifrån detta identifieras en idealtyp för hur medborgaren bör se ut baserat på återkommande gemensamma föreställningar. Svaren jämförs även med Isin & Turners (2002) liberal och deras republikanska modell. Svaren kan inte sammankopplas helt till varken liberal eller republikansk modell utan hamnar i ett mellanläge.

While domestic fascism within the United Kingdom has never critically challenged Parliamentary sovereignty, it has decisively disrupted public order since its roots were established in the inter-war political scene. The violence provoked by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) was one of the stimulating factors behind the enactment of the Public Order Act 1936. This Act significantly strengthened the powers of the police to regulate or proscribe varies forms of political activism. This thesis analyses the legal responses of Parliament, the police and the judiciary to interwar British fascism. In addition, by analysing the legal responses to public disorder from before and after the 1930s, it positions the BUF within their wider historical context which enables this thesis to assess and evaluate consistencies and discrepancies within the application of the law. By enhancing the historical contextualisation of the period with a critical legal lens, the principal forms of fascist propaganda are evaluated, including public processions, public meetings and the wearing of political uniform. It is argued that the application of a historico-legal methodology challenges the perception that the authorities were inherently politically biased. This thesis explores alternative factors which explain why the responses of the legal authorities appeared inconsistent in their approach to the far-Right and the far-Left. In order to critically analyse the police’s decision making process when monitoring political activism, the limitations of public order law and the nature of police discretion itself become fundamental components which offer a more balanced explanation for the appearance of political partiality within the police force.

[pt] Essa dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a trajetória profissional de Jean Manzon, de modo a tentar compreender as particularidades de seu discurso e de sua estética produtiva. Considerado um dos maiores cineastas em atividade no Brasil, nos anos de 1950 e 1960, o francês Manzon possuía um acervo estimável de curtas-metragens; muitos deles produzidos sob encomenda. Devido ao prestígio alcançado junto a políticos, empresários e figuras públicas, seu material audiovisual era visto como instrumento de divulgação de promessas, realizações e premissas ideológicas. Além de problematizar a respeito do estilo narrativo e imagético de seu trabalho, esta pesquisa também abarca questões relacionadas à conduta de Manzon enquanto publicitário das ideias defendidas em seus filmes. Sua suposta militância em relação ao IPÊS e suas preferências pessoais, manifestadas a partir dos acordos firmados com seus parceiros, norteiam um dos debates centrais deste estudo. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the professional trajectory of Jean Manzon, in order to understand the particularities of his speech and his productive aesthetics. Considered one of the greatest active filmmakers in Brazil, in the 1950s and 1960s, the French Manzon possesses an estimable collection of short films; the images are custom made. Due to the prestige achieved with politicians, businessmen, and public figures, his audiovisual material was seen as an instrument for dissemination of promises, achievements and ideological premises. In addition to problematizing about the narrative and imagery style of his work, this research also covers issues related to Manzon s conduct as an advertiser of the ideas defended in his films. His supposed militancy in relation to IPÊS and his personal preferences, expressed through the agreements reached with his partners, guide one of the central debates of this paper.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Araujo Brandao.pdf: 1615355 bytes, checksum: d996c355e9ede6a5d4e46b65725a59c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:15:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Felipe Weinhardt Pires.pdf: 7507914 bytes, checksum: fea7067ceeb10e07b1389d8635b09586 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research goal is to analyse how some of the first examples of net activism in Brazilian appear through mobilizations based on social digital networks and how they gain strength as to occupy the public urban space. The study was developed based on two cases that took place in the city of São Paulo: the Churrascão de Gente Diferenciada , organized in May 2011 as a protest against the location change of a metro station in the project of a new line; and Amor Sim, Russomano Não , held in October 2012, in opposition to the candidacy of Celso Russomano as city mayor. We have selected these episodes because they the first two to gather three characteristics we consider essential for understanding the net activism development in the country: both appear within a context of local dispute, with no alignment with global agendas; are organized as decentralized networks with intensive usage of online social networks; and reach its climax occupying the urban public space. The empirical corpus was structured gathering the content posted at the Facebook event page of both cases and the related posts on Twitter identified by the hashtags #gentediferenciada and amorsimrussomanonao . Based on this material, we have analysed the two cases as political happenings , according to Lazzarato s concept, which integrate a context of shock between the strength of contemporary capitalism and the power of multitude, following the term understanding of Hardt and Negri and Virno. In order to analyse the enunciations that form the corpus, we took as base Lazzarato s (2006) concept of plurilinguism and also the essay Linguistic Postulates , from Deleuze and Guattari / Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar como alguns dos primeiros exemplos de netativismo no Brasil surgem através de mobilizações nas redes sociais digitais e ganham força a ponto de tomar o espaço urbano, identificando como se dá a produção de sentidos no conteúdo on-line relativo a eles. O estudo foi desenvolvido a partir de dois casos ocorridos na cidade de São Paulo: o Churrascão de Gente Diferenciada , organizado em maio de 2011, para se opor à mudança de localização de uma estação de metro no projeto de uma nova linha; e a mobilização Amor Sim, Russomano Não , realizada em outubro de 2012, em oposição ao candidato à prefeitura de São Paulo, Celso Russomano. Selecionamos estes dois episódios por terem sido os dois primeiros a reunir três características que nos parecem essenciais para o entendimento no net-ativismo no país: ambos surgem num contexto de disputas locais, sem um alinhamento objetivo com pautas globais; são organizados em rede, de forma descentralizada e com intenso uso das redes sociais digitais; e tem como ápice a ocupação do espaço público. Construímos o corpus empírico deste trabalho reunindo o conteúdo postado nas páginas desses eventos no Facebook, juntamente com os posts a eles relacionados identificados através da ferramenta de busca do Twitter. A partir desse material, analisamos esses dois eventos identificando-os como acontecimentos , segundo o conceito de Lazzarato, inseridos num contexto de embate entre a força do capitalismo contemporâneo e a potência da multidão , conforme o entendimento do termo proposto por Hardt e Negri e Virno. Para realizar a análise dos enunciados que formam o corpus, nos apoiamos no entendimento de plurilingüismo de Lazzarato e também no ensaio Postulados da Linguística , de Deleuze e Guattari

This case study investigates gender-sensitive institutional reforms in post-war Liberia. It applies key concepts developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State to explore the extent to which the emergent theory of state feminism might be applicable to countries outside of the West. Preliminary findings suggest that Liberia is a feminist state insofar as both the women’s machinery and the Sirleaf Administration are allied with feminist and women’s movement actors outside the state, and that they grant these actors access to policymaking fora. Policy content also appears to reflect many of the goals identified by women’s movement actors. However, given the lack of state capacity and the degree of state penetration by international organizations, it is difficult to determine the drivers of ostensibly state-led gender equity initiatives in the country. Because multi-level governance is the norm in areas where the capacity of the state is severely circumscribed, this research introduces the concept of “supra-state feminism” to demonstrate the major limitation of state feminist theory in Liberia. This notion of feminist policy transfer in areas of limited statehood adds to the comparative literature on engendering political transitions in sub-Saharan Africa.

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Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l’engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s’adaptant à l’époque contemporaine. Pour ce faire, le chanteur adopte quatre stratégies artistiques. Elles consistent à chanter sur les gens ordinaires et leur quotidien, aborder le désenchantement et le désespoir des plus exclus, composer des chansons qui remplissent une fonction cathartique en ayant recours à l’imitation et enfin à militer dans la sphère politique et sociale en soutenant des candidats lors des élections présidentielles américaines tout en offrant des dons aux organisations caritatives qui aident les plus démunis. La thèse démontre que Springsteen arrive à se hisser au sommet du classement des meilleures ventes aux États-Unis et à travers le monde grâce à ces stratégies. Elles lui ont permis de mobiliser un public et d’avoir des millions de fans. Nous proposons d’appeler les chansons engagées de Springsteen des chansons méditatives (reflective songs). La chanson méditative de Springsteen est, sans doute, l’outil culturel de contestation le plus adapté à l’époque contemporaine où il est difficile pour un artiste engagé de protester efficacement du fait de la marchandisation de l’acte même de sa contestation. Il se peut que la reflective song de Bruce Springsteen ne change pas le monde, mais elle peut en revanche permettre aux gens de croire en un monde meilleur et donc de les dissuader de se révolter. / This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen’s audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen’s reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future.

L’exil constitue un mécanisme de combat contre l’opposition utilisé par les dictatures militaires du Cône Sud, dont la principale fonction était de provoquer un isolement des militants. Nous pensions que l’exil accomplirait efficacement cette fonction car en plus d’éloigner le militant de son territoire national, la protection, prévue par la législation internationale est conditionnée par le retrait de l’exilé de toutes activités politiques à l’étranger. Pourtant, malgré les souhaits des militaires et la législation internationale, une grande partie des exilés brésiliens partirent du pays avec l’intention de transformer l’exil en un espace de combat politique. Néanmoins, les mobilisations réalisées par les exilés furent marquées par des effets de transnationalisme, qui se caractérisent par l’universalisation et la rapidité de transmission d’idées et de valeurs. Voulant comprendre les influences du transnationalisme sur les formes de mobilisation politique des militants brésiliens, cette thèse analyse la trajectoire politique de la seconde génération d’exilés (1968-1979), dont une bonne partie était engagée dans la lutte armée contre la dictature et impliquée dans un projet révolutionnaire. Ainsi, nous nous intéresserons aux actions d’opposition des exilés brésiliens au Chili et en France, deux pays distincts qui représentent des lieux de concentration, à divers moments, de la seconde génération d’exilés brésiliens. La recherche dans des sources officielles et non-officielles (telle que la documentation diplomatique ouverte à la recherche, les documents produits par les propres exilés et les entrevues réalisées pour la thèse) démontre que des variables telles que le contexte politique du pays où ils étaient insérés, le système d’accueil et la présence de répression brésilienne, ont influencé les actions politiques des exilés. Ainsi, la recherche montre que tant que les exilés étaient au Chili, la conviction dans le succès de la révolution socialiste marqua les activités politiques des exilés brésiliens. Par la suite, en France, où les brésiliens se concentrèrent après le coup d’État chilien de 1973, l’exil brésilien entra dans une phase marquée par l’adhésion à de nouvelles thématiques telles que l’amnistie, les droits de l’Homme et la démocratie. / O exílio constituiu um mecanismo de combate à oposição utilizado pelas ditaduras militares no Cone Sul, cuja principal função era a de provocar o isolamento do militante. Acreditava-se que o exílio cumpriria com eficácia essa função, pois, além de afastar o militante do território nacional, a proteção prevista pela legislação internacional é condicionada ao afastamento do exilado de atividades políticas no exterior. No entanto, contrariando os anseios dos militares e a legislação internacional, uma grande parte dos exilados brasileiros deixou o país com o intuito de transformar o exílio em um espaço de combate político. Todavia, as mobilizações realizadas pelos exilados foram marcadas pelos efeitos do transnacionalismo, que se caracteriza pela universalização e rápida transmissão de ideias e valores. Visando compreender as influências do transnacionalismo nas formas de mobilização política dos militantes brasileiros, a presente tese analisa a trajetória política da segunda geração de exilados (1968-1979), boa parte engajada na luta armada contra a ditadura e comprometida com um projeto revolucionário. Para tanto, enfoca as ações de oposição dos exilados brasileiros no Chile e na França, dois países distintos que representaram focos de concentração da segunda geração de exilados brasileiros em diferentes momentos. A pesquisa em fontes oficiais e não oficiais – tais como a documentação diplomática aberta para pesquisa, os documentos produzidos pelos próprios exilados e as entrevistas concedidas para a tese – demonstrou que variáveis tais como o contexto político do país onde estavam inseridos, o sistema de acolhida e a presença da repressão brasileira influenciaram as ações políticas dos exilados. Assim, a pesquisa demonstrou que, enquanto estiveram no Chile, a convicção no sucesso da revolução socialista marcou as atividades políticas dos exilados brasileiros. Na França, por sua vez, onde os brasileiros se concentraram após o golpe chileno de 1973, o exílio brasileiro entrou em uma nova fase, marcada pela adesão a novos temas, notadamente, a anistia, os direitos humanos e a democracia. / The exile was a mechanism used by the opposition against military dictatorships in the Southern Cone, whose main function was to cause the isolation of the militant. It was believed that the exile would fulfill this function effectively, because in addition to depart the militant from the national territory, the protection provided by the international law is subject to the removal of the exiled from political activities abroad. However, contradicting the wishes of the military and the international law, a large part of the Brazilian exiles left the country in order to transform the exile into a political battle space. However, the mobilizations carried out by the exiles were marked by the effects of the transnationalism, which is characterized by the universalization and the rapid transmission of ideas and values. In order to understand the influences of the transnationalism in the forms of political mobilization of the Brazilian militants, this thesis analyzes the political trajectory of the second generation of exiles (1968-1979), much engaged in armed struggle against the dictatorship and committed to a revolutionary project. For that, this thesis focuses on the actions of the opposition Brazilian exiles in Chile and France, two different countries which represented focus of concentration of the second generation of Brazilian exiles at different times. The research in official and unofficial sources - such as diplomatic documents open for research, documents produced by their own exiles and the interviews for the thesis - has shown that variables such as the political context of the country in wich they were inserted, the host system and the presence of the Brazilian repression, influenced the political actions of the exiles. This way, the research has shown that while they were in Chile, the belief in the success of socialist revolution marked the political activities of Brazilian exiles. In France, in turn, where Brazilians were concentrated after the Chilean coup of 1973, the Brazilian exile entered a new phase, marked by the acceptance of new issues, notably, amnesty, human rights and the democracy.