The political marketing established in the Slovak Republic over the time and became a relevant part of the Slovak elections. Presidential elections in 2014 showed, that there is sufficiently large space for the application of political marketing. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the election campaign of Andrej Kiska in presidential elections in 2014 in terms of usage of political marketing tools. The ambition of this work, is to show the extent and the exact form of the tools which were used in this campaign, based on the theoretical framework. Another object of this work is to describe, how was the results of presidential elections in 2014 perceived by Slovak public, how happy were the Slovak voters with the results of the elections and which arguments dominated in favor of Andrej Kiskas election.

As eleições presidenciais são a principal competição do sistema político brasileiro. Há duas proposições dominantes que perpassam as análises da literatura sobre sua natureza e dinâmica: o Programa Bolsa-Família (PBF) é considerado central e determinante para os resultados eleitorais e teria contribuído, no pleito de 2006, para conformar um realinhamento das bases eleitorais do PT, único partido competitivo em todas as eleições. O programa social é considerado fundamental para explicar a força deste partido no Nordeste e entre eleitores pobres. Nesta tese, por meio de replicação de modelos da literatura e da análise de modelos originais a partir de survey, de dados agregados ao nível municipal e ao nível das urnas, e com a aplicação de diferentes metodologias, procuro debater essas hipóteses, apontando inconsistências e deficiências teóricas, metodológicas e empíricas. Os resultados apontam para diagnósticos alternativos às teses vigentes. Primeiro, procuro argumentar que a relação entre as mudanças eleitorais de 2006 e os perfis sociais dos eleitores ocorrem de forma heterogênea pelas regiões e tipos de localidade, e que, após mensuração adequada, essas flutuações são melhor compreendidas como movimentações de eleitores voláteis, e não como realinhamento de bases eleitorais. Além disso, contrariamente às análises correntes, ressalto que a investigação sobre o efeito eleitoral do PBF não deve ser restrita aos seus beneficiários e nem se pode inferir sua importância no resultado eleitoral a partir da sua distribuição regional. Antes, as análises conduzidas nesta tese revelam que o impacto do programa social para as decisões eleitorais foi mais importante no Sudeste que no Nordeste, e não se restringe a eleitores diretamente beneficiários do programa. Por fim, mostro que, após enquadramento adequado, é possível dizer que o impacto do PBF para o resultado eleitoral não foi tão pronunciado ou determinante dos resultados eleitorais. Do ponto de vista mais geral, meu argumento ressalta que as bases eleitorais de longo-prazo dos partidos influenciam os resultados presentes, matizando a importância das mudanças ocorridas em 2006, e sublinha que o efeito do PBF, assim como de qualquer outra política pública com peso político-eleitoral, não pode ser tomado isoladamente, fora do contexto da disputa eleitoral e política. / The presidential elections are the main competition of the Brazilian political system. The current literature on the subject pointed out two thesis about the nature and dynamic of presidential elections: The Bolsa-Família (PBF) conditional cash transfer program is considered to be central and determinant to the electoral results and in 2006 would have contributed to realign the electoral bases of PT, the only party competitive in all elections. The policy is considered to be fundamental to explain the strength of the party on Northeast among poor electors. On this dissertation I examine these hypothesis and debate the theoretical, methodological and empirical inconsistences and deficiencies of the current literature. In order to do so, I replicate models, analyze novel models looking at surveys and aggregate data on the municipal level and on ballot level, among other methods. The results highlight conclusions different from the standing literature. First, I argue that the correlation between the electoral changes of 2006 and the social profile of electors occur heterogeneously over different regions and localities. If the proper measure is applied, these variations are better understood as a movement of volatile electors and not as realignment of electoral bases. Moreover, contrary to the current literature, I emphasize that the investigation over the electoral effect of the PBF shouldn\'t be restricted to its beneficiaries and neither that it is possible to infer its importance on the electoral result based on its regional distribution. Contrarily, based on the data we gathered, the impact of the PBF to the electoral results was more important on the Southeast than on the Northeast and it is not restricted to electors directly beneficed by the program. Still, I argue that if the adequate framework is adopted, it is possible to say that the impact of the PBF on the electoral results wasn\'t very strong or determinant to the electoral result. I conclude that the parties\' long term electoral bases influence on present results, minimizing the fluctuations that occurred in 2006. As it happens with all the policies with high potential to impact on voters decisions, the effect of the PBF cannot be analyzed separately, it has to be considered inside the context of the electoral and political dispute.

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With the beginning of the Internet era a lot of the traditional media characteristics along with the classic media theories changed. The foundations of this diploma thesis are built on the question whether the traditional media and the new media are constructing different media images. The topic is further analyzed in the chapters about the construction of reality, media convergence, agenda-setting theory or social network. The analytical parts studied the main sources - television and social network - on the example of the Czech presidential election in 2018. After the data were gathered there were stated thirteen topic clusters and each unit of the collected data was categorized into those. There was also categorization on sources and the amount of representation of every candidate. After analyzing these data a comparison was made and after that a conclusion whether there are any differences between traditional and new media.

We study the impact of US presidential election TV debates on intraday exchange rates of 96 currencies from 1996 to 2016. Expectations about protectionist measures are the main transmission channel of debate outcomes. Currencies of countries with high levels of bilateral foreign trade with the US depreciate if the election probability of the protectionist candidate increases during the debate. We rationalize our results in a model where a debate victory of a protectionist candidate raises expectations about future tariffs and reduces future net exports to the US, resulting in relative depreciation of currencies with high bilateral trade integration.

"The present investigation was concerned with college students' perceptions of candidates in the 1972 Presidential Election."--[1].

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

This master thesis "Visual presentation of presidential candidates on Facebook" provides an image analysis of presidential candidates on social network in the period before and during the election in 2013. The theoretical part tackles the role of visual political communication, including image values and ideology, the relationship of the image and the text or media image research and seamlessly continues the formation of the political media image in modern political communication. The following quantitative content analysis analyses the context of the visual media image building within individual profiles of candidates, evaluates the work with images and text components, discusses the question, who creates the media profile of candidates and in combination with the qualitative image analysis reveals specific features of media profile building of individual candidates.

La thèse retrace les nombreuses positions des responsables politiques français vis à vis de la notion de cohabitation au cours des années 1958-2017 et met en évidence leurs contradictions institutionnelles qui se révèlent en fonction de situations et de circonstances politiques données. Elle souligne ainsi les nombreuses divergences institutionnelles de la droite sur le sujet : le refus cohabitationniste du régime Gaullien et Pompidolien, le consentement Giscardien de 1978, la division au sein-même de la droite au cours des années Mitterrand entre 1981 et 1995, l'union dans la dénonciation au cours du premier mandat de Jacques Chirac entre 1995 et 2002 et enfin une succession de contradictions au cours des années 2002-2017. La thèse relève aussi certaines divergences institutionnelles du côté de la gauche socialiste : une volonté cohabitationniste au cours des années 1958-1981, une sérieuse réserve au cours des années 1981-1986 puis 1988-1993, une satisfaction cohabitationniste au cours des années 1997-2002 et également une succession de contradictions au cours des années 2002-2017. La thèse montre donc la manière dont les responsables politiques ont fait évoluer leurs doctrines institutionnelles en fonction de situations et de circonstances politiques données et cherche aussi à expliquer leurs nombreuses stratégies personnelles et leurs réflexions institutionnelles vis à vis de la cohabitation. / The thesis recalls the many positions of the French political officials with respect to the concept of cohabitation during years 1958-2017 and highlights their institutional contradictions which appear according to situations and political circumstances given. It thus emphasizes the many institutional divergences of the right-hand side on the subject : the cohabitationnist refusal of the Gaullist and Pompidolian regims, the Giscardian assent of 1978, the division within the right during Mitterrand years between 1981 and 1995, the union in the denunciation during the first mandate of Jacques Chirac between 1995 and 2002 and finally a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis also records certain institutional divergences on the side of the socialist left : a cohabitationnist will during years 1958-1981, a serious reserve during years 1981-1986 then 1988-1993, a cohabitationnist satisfaction during years 1997-2002 and also a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis shows so the way in which the political leaders have evolved their institutional doctrines according to situations and political circumstances given and also tries to explain their numerous personal strategies and their institutional reflections with respect to the cohabitation.

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.