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No description available.

This study discusses the poltical parties in the United States. The writer concluded that the question whether the US will ever have a multiple party system as is maintained in European countries, can be answered only by time.

After the Cold War ended, the process of nuclear disarmament began to stagnate and in recent years there are signs of backsliding. Efforts to revive the disarmament regime over decades culminated with the drafting and ratification of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017 and 2021 respectively, much to the dismay of nuclear weapons states. The U.S., Britain, and France have declared their dismissal of the treaty while subscribing to the disarmament regime as established by the Non-proliferation Treaty of 1970.  The Western nuclear powers typically channel their opposition through NATO, and this thesis will first look at NATO’s legal arguments and as the strategy of nuclear deterrence which is fundamental to their defensive strategy. I will then investigate NATO discourse as it pertains to nuclear weapon strategy as a constituent of its subjectivity and intentionality. In other words, what it is like to “be” NATO, and in so doing understand why it acts in opposition to a goal it already pursues.  This is relevant to IR in that it explores an alterative manner in which to understand social structures while adhering to research designs typically ascribes to the “lower” unit of analysis of individuals.

The forces in the campaign that was to bring prohibition to Utah in 1917 had become identified with the prohibition movement by the spring of 1908. On the side of the drys were the various temperance organizations, the churches of Utah and the major political parties. Allied agaist the prohibition group were the combined liquor interests. Uncommitted to either side were the authorities of the Mormon Church, although both groups could seemingly lay claim to the support of the Church authorities when conflicting statements and actions of that body were put before the public view.

Yes

Yes

This thesis looks at the life and political influence of William Jennings Bryan, and his work as a champion of the rights of the common man.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carolina Fichmann.pdf: 723709 bytes, checksum: 42f80ea590b1d40c51821e50422ad36b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-13 / The prohibition of illegal evidences is a constitutional rule of thumb which guarantees a wide range of fundamental rights. Nonetheless, such rule is not insurmountable. Among the mechanisms available to soften the rule stated on Article 5, paragraph LVI, of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, there is the so called proportionality criteria, which is responsible to measure and evaluate the interests involved in a concrete case. There are two main streams that study the proportionality criteria. The first stream preaches the protection of individual rights against abusive acts perpetrated by the State. On the other hand, the second stream envisages protecting the society, forbidding any flaws in the assurance of social rights guaranteed by the Welfare State. Originally, the first stream of the proportionality criteria demonstrates a greater relation to the negative garantism, reflecting a moment in time when the State adopted a more passive behaviour. However, in light of the atrocities committed during the Second World War, it became clear the need of an effective State intervention given tha t the governmental passive attitude, limited to the mere legislation of fundamental rights in a piece of paper, proved not to be enough. Combined with such paradigm shift, there has also been an evolution in the concept of legal garantism, which turned positive, enabling the rise of a second stream of the proportionality criteria, which aims to prevent abuses against fundamental rights. Considering this new historical environment, depending on the interests involved on the specific case, the criminal illegal evidence pro societate is admitted. Analyzing case law, it is evident that, sometimes, the need to protect core values of the society reveals to be preponderant. In such cases the proportionality criteria is not utilized, so that proofs that initially would be treated as illegal, become lawful, protecting by these means higher valuable social fundamental rights. Not only, but sometimes there is not even need to talk about collisions of values in the case and the lawfulness of proof is unquestioned. In this perspective, the case law admits certain institutes and theories - such as the random knowledge, for example - in order to relativize that proof that before could be considered illegal. Thus, it is precisely in this context that criminal illegal evidence pro societate finds shelter. / De efeito , a vedação às provas ilícitas é uma regra constitucional que assegura um leque de direitos fundamentais, mas não é instransponível. Dentre os mecanismos aptos a flexibilizar a regra disposta no artigo 5º, inciso LVI, da Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, há o critério da proporcionalidade, responsável por realizar uma ponderação de interesses à luz do caso concreto. Para tanto, é imprescindível atentar-se às vertentes desse critério. A primeira delas assegura a proteção dos indivíduos contra eventuais excessos perpetrados pelo Estado. A segunda vertente, por sua vez, tutela a sociedade enquanto destinatária das diretrizes do Estado Social , de forma a proibir a proteção deficiente dos direitos fundamentais também de natureza social. A rigor, a primeira face do critério da proporcionalidade guarda relação com o garantismo negativo, momento, este, em que o Estado assumia uma postura passiva. Em momento posterior, no entanto, sobretudo diante das atrocidades cometidas durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, verificou-se a necessidade de intervenção estatal eis que a postura passiva do Estado de tão somente positivar os direitos fundamentais não se revelou suficiente. Com tal mudança de paradigma, houve também uma evolução no conceito de garantismo jurídico, que passou a ser positivo, proporcionando, destarte, a ascensão da segunda vertente da proporcionalidade que visa a coibir as condutas atentatórias aos direitos fundamentais. No entanto, após análise jurisprudencial, resta evidente que, por vezes, a necessidade de proteger valores essenciais à sociedade é primordial, de modo que o critério da proporcionalidade não é utilizado para a ponderação de interesses no caso concreto e; simplesmente, à luz desse mencionado caso concreto, aquela prova, que outrora poderia ser considerada ilícita, transforma-se em lícita, com o nítido desiderato de coibir a aludida proteção deficiente dos demais direitos fundamentais. Não apenas, mas, por vezes, não há sequer que se falar em colisões de valores no caso concreto e, por conseguinte, em ponderação de interesses -, de modo que a licitude da prova resta inquestionável. Nessa perspectiva, a jurisprudência pátria admite determinadas teorias e institutos como o do conhecimento fortuito - a fim de relativizar aquela prova que antes poderia ser considerada ilícita. Destarte, é justamente nesse contexto que a prova ilícita penal pro societate encontra guarida.

Historians of the prohibition movement in Texas have assumed that the state's main ethnic minorities-Germans, Mexican Americans and African Americans-strongly opposed restrictions on the production, sale, and transportation of alcoholic beverages. This study focuses on the voting patterns in fifteen counties chosen to represent varying percentages of these ethnic minorities in their populations during three statewide anti-alcohol elections (1997, 1911, and 1919) in an effort to determine exactly the extent of opposition to prohibition on the part of ethnic minorities in Texas. It also examines the actions of the prohibitionists and anti-prohibitionists in courting the vote of ethnic minority groups. This analysis and comparison of election results in fifteen counties confirms overwhelming opposition to prohibition on the part of all three of Texas's ethnic minorities.