In this dissertation, I provide a philosophical analysis of public art. I focus on its "publicness," and draw implications at the level of public art's ontology, appreciation, and value. I uphold the view that an artwork is public when received within a public sphere rather than within artworld institutions. I further argue that, as a consequence of the peculiar nature of its reception, public art possesses an essential value that is distinctively non-aesthetic: to promote political participation and to encourage tolerance. By examining how public art and its value(s) relate to the public domain in the context of pluralistic democracies, this dissertation also contributes to a fuller understanding of an important aspect of our social world. Chapter 1 introduces the scope and nature of the dissertation and emphasizes few important caveats. Chapter 2 develops a general characterization of public art's "publicness." It argues that what makes an artwork public is the context within which it is received: public artworks are received within a public sphere, that is, the public-art sphere, rather than within artworld institutions. Chapter 3 expands the account of the public-art sphere as developed in Chapter 2, and argues that public artworks address a multiplicity of publics and are received within a multiplicity of public-art spheres. Chapter 4 offers a sustained account of the pluralistic logic by means of which participants evaluate opinions expressed in discussions within public-art sphere. Chapter 5 explores the role that emotional reactions play in public-art spheres. It argues that warranted emotional reactions can function as premises of arguments proposed in public-art spheres. Chapter 6 discusses the ontology of public artworks. It suggests that some of the real properties that a public artwork has are a function of some features of the public-art sphere within which that artwork is received. Chapter 7 explains the value of public art. It holds that public art's value is a function of its capacity to promote political participation and to encourage tolerance. / Philosophy

The study of blogs up to this point has primarily, though not exclusively, covered "A-list" and political or campaign blogs. Large filter blogs have not yet been the focus of communication research and offer an exciting new area of scholarship in online communication. This study examined if and how the environmental blog, TreeHugger, works to engage and maintain the online environmental community by potentially acting an online environmental public sphere and interacting with users who make up the community. Through a content analysis of two constructed weeks of blog posts (N=336) and their comments (N=1342) from the first half of 2008, this study examined the discussion of issues, use of interactive feature, and presence of the metacommunication frame in both groups. Results showed significant influence of topic and tone in the blog posts on the subsequent user comments. They also showed how commenters' discussion can operate quite independently as well. In particular, comments were found to have a negative valence significantly more than the posts. Also, the focus of external metacommunication frames in each differed significantly, with posts referencing other mass media more often. Overall, this thesis concludes that writers for blogs like TreeHugger have limited influence on the discussion in the comments. Greater understanding of that influence could help bloggers engage readers better and promote active dialogue. / Master of Arts

Facebook is today a phenomenon that has connected the whole world. With millions of users this has become an attractive place for soccer clubs to connect with their fans. But in what ways are they using Facebook as a tool to connect with their fans?This essay aims to answer the question if it’s a difference in the way English and Swedish teams communicate with their fans on Facebook. The study was conducted with the use of telephone- and mail interviews. Too analyze the material the main theories I´ve used was public relations theory and the public sphere.The result of this study shows that it´s a difference in the way the Premier league teams Arsenal and Queens Park Rangers communicate in comparison with the Swedish teams Helsingborgs IF and IF Elfsborg. The Swedish teams are looking to create relationships by a two-way communication with their fans while the English teams are looking to create relationships with their fans thru pictures, interviews etc. Arsenal is also unique in this study by using Facebook as a tool for commercial purposes.

A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy. / Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy. / Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

The thesis, Indigenous language programming and citizen participation in Ugandan broadcasting: an exploratory study constitutes an analysis of the significance of policy on indigenous language programming in Uganda's broadcast media. The thesis is conceived broadly within a critical studies' framework. It emphasizes the role of the broadcast media in the public sphere, as well as policy on linguistic diversity in making the public sphere more accessible to the majority of Ugandans. Fundamental assumptions of the thesis are the following: * The imperatives of the market are in tension with the need to preserve a significant amount of indigenous language broadcasting in Uganda's broadcast media for purposes of diversity; * This tension can be discerned in the political-economic environment within which the broadcast media in Uganda have evolved and operate as well as in public debate on indigenous language programming in the broadcast media; * The current state of the media's structure, operation and regulation have their roots in Uganda's political history; and * Policy on the indigenous languages has a bearing on Ugandans' capacity to participate meaningfully in the democratic process via the broadcast media. The thesis documents key social, political and economic factors surrounding policy on indigenous language broadcasting in Uganda using interviews, an analysis of Uganda's political history as well as key legal documents related to diversity and participation. It documents public debate on the significance of language policy for the participation of Ugandans in the democratic process through the broadcast media and examines how changes in the structure and operation of Uganda's broadcast media, especially since the liberalisation of the airwaves in the early 1990s, are perceived by Ugandans to have affected their participation in the democratic process through the media. Finally the thesis makes recommendations for future communication policy with regards to the role of language in enhancing diversity and participation. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

This study investigates how power relations were negotiated and expressed through the use of certain linguistic practices in a public context. More specifically, it looks closer at how job applicants presented themselves publically through newspaper advertisements and which discursive codes they made use of to portray themselves as reputable, desirable employees that fit into the bourgeois concept of respectability. The survey accordingly moves within the theoretical frameworks of the respectability discourse, altering power relations, self-presentation and the public sphere, and does so through the application of linguistic methods on a very specific material not commonly looked at from these macro-perspectives. The first part of the analysis identifies which specific social groups that used the press as a channel for self-presentation, focusing on the aspects of gender, marital status, work experience and occupational title. Through establishing this information, we reach an understanding of who can be ascribed an active participation in the public sphere and where to place these individuals along the social scale. Thereafter, the vocabulary of the advertisers is scrutinized and compared to see how strategies to create an air of respectability around yourself may have differed with the personal aspects mentioned above. Conclusively, the results from these enquiries serve as the basis for a larger discussion on whether the assertive self-promotion of the job advertisers can be interpreted as a self-empowerment among a section of London’s labourers, or whether the publication of the adverts rather is to be seen as a consolidation of already existing power relationships. The findings prove that through their strict adherence to the concept of respectability in a desire to win the favour of their social superiors, the linguistic strategies of the adverts cannot be interpreted as an early form of working class-movement with the intention of overthrowing the social order. On the contrary, the hierarchical structure of the 18th century was as present as ever when society moved towards the next centenary and was consolidated even further by the linguistic strategies of the advertisers.

This study addresses issues concerning religion in the public sphere, brought about by the debates over the perceived resurgence of religion and the post-secular. The aim is to analyze the participation of religious actors in the public, using three newspaper debate pages as the empirical material. Building on theories by Casanova, especially his concept of public religions, as well as mediatization theory and Habermas' writings on religion in the public sphere, 639 opinion pieces signed by religious actors were analyzed. The mixed-methods content analysis was conducted in two steps: first a quantitative overview of the religious actors published, to what extent and on what issues. The second step consisted of three qualitative case studies based on the results of the first step: an argument analysis of the debate over same-sex marriage; an exploration of the specific position of the Church of Sweden and the idea of the national church as a public utility; and finally a discourse analysis of articles by Jewish and Muslim authors. These were analyzed on the basis of criteria for public religions developed from Casanova’s theory and from the media logic of debate articles. While the results show no clear increase in the number of religious actors during the period under scrutiny, one notices a clear presence of Muslim and Jewish actors, eventhough Christians of varying denominations dominate the material. There are also clear differences between the different religions: minority religion contributions are limited in terms of issues and scope, while Christian groups write about more varied issues. Muslims often relate to negative media discourse towards Islam, while Jewish signatories write on a limited number of themes closely related to the group itself. In many articles, one found a meta-debate over the place of religion in the public sphere even when specific issues were debated. The contribution of this dissertation is to critically discuss the concepts and assumptions underlying the debate over the place of religion in the public sphere. It stresses the importance of media perspectives as well as empirical studies for analyzing issues of authority, visibility, private/public and religion in late modern, mediated contexts. / The Impact of Religion - Challenges for Society, Law and Democracy

Michel Foucault fait remarquer qu’il y a dans la conception des Lumières européennes une tension entre la « croissance de l’autonomie » et la « croissance des capacités » par la science et la technique (Foucault, 1994, p. 83). Or, dans « Qu’est-ce que les Lumières? », Kant privilégie clairement le premier volet, l’autonomie, tel qu’en témoigne sa définition : « sortie de l’homme de l’état de minorité, où il se maintient par sa propre faute ». Force lui est toutefois d’admettre que l’autonomie qui s’exprime dans le « penser par soi-même » nécessite un accès à l’espace public, car la liberté de pensée implique la possibilité de publier ses opinions et de penser avec autrui. Le texte de Kant évoque donc les conditions politiques permettant un libre accès au « public des lecteurs ». Il importe ainsi que le despote éclairé, en l’occurrence Frédéric le Grand, gouverne à tout le moins dans un esprit républicain en maintenant un espace public exempt de censure. Il importe en outre qu’il s’abstienne d’intervenir en matière religieuse. Ce n’est pas un hasard si le thème de la liberté de conscience religieuse occupe une large place dans le texte de Kant, car la tentation est grande pour l’autorité politique de bafouer cette liberté et d’instrumentaliser la religion à des fins politiques. / Michel Foucault pointed out that there is in the design of the European Enlightenment a tension between the "growing autonomy" and "growth capacity" by science and technology (Foucault, 1994, p. 83). Now, in "What is Enlightenment?" Kant clearly favors the first part, autonomy, as evidenced by its definition: "out of man's status as such, where he maintains through his own fault." It is bound to admit, however, that autonomy as expressed in the "think for yourself" requires access to public space, because freedom of thought implies the possibility of publishing one’s opinions and to think with others. Kant's text evokes the political conditions for free access to the "reading public". It is therefore important that the enlightened despot, namely Frederick the Great, ruled at least in a republican spirit by holding a public space free of censorship. It is also important that he should refrain from interfering in religious matters. It is no coincidence that the theme of freedom of religious conscience occupies a large place in Kant's text, because the temptation is great for political authority to violate this freedom and exploit religion for political purposes.

The thesis, The Access of Economic Analysts to the Czech News Agency (CTK) and daily Press, researches the paths that analysts who provide economic news commentary utilize to access the CTK news and daily press. The thesis focuses on the impact on editors' daily routines of utilizing such sources. Further, the thesis focuses on the hierarchy of analysts' access to the news and delineates the relationship between the journalist and his sources. In the theoretical portion of the thesis, the author defines basic approaches to the study of news coverage, information sources in media contents, and organizational routines. The author presents Leon V. Sigal's three basic types of communication channels and draws on Paul Manning's source theory. In the ensuing chapters, the author discusses the rules of source selection and the relationship shifts between journalists and their sources. Further, he elucidates Jürgen Hagerman's concept of "public sphere," Antonio Gramsci's Theory of the Hegemonic Media, and Noam Chomsky's and Edward S. Herman's propaganda model. The research portion of the thesis is based on the author's in-depth interviews with eight economic analysts. Based on his research data, he explores in detail the relationship between the news agency journalist and his source. In conclusion, the author...