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The aim of this paper is to reveal how the European – Russian political cooperation in the common Baltic Sea Region developed over the last twenty years, ending up at the recently adopted European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region, which excludes Russian participation. This single case study is divided into two well-defined historical periods: starting from the fall of the Berlin Wall until the Eastern Bloc European enlargement and from 2004 to the adoption of the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea region in 2009; where comparison and process-tracing methods are applied to connect different variables that matter for clarifying the current state of relations. Furthermore, the analysis is conducted with the help of Constructivist and Neo-Realist theories for two purposes – to achieve stronger scientific explanation and to avoid too loose interpretation of the events. The results show that the Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is often seen and understood differently by the various political actors, but consequently this leads to a situation in which the role of Russia in the common region remains unclear. When it comes to defining the Russian position today, the Baltic Sea Region provides a good climate for collaboration but so far, the European Union has failed to recognize that the Russian Federation although with a limited access to the sea, remains an actor that should not be ignored. Russia, as well appears confused about its overall foreign policy towards the European Union. Nevertheless, another significant outcome reveals that the levels of regional cooperation have been continuously increasing over the last twenty years, which is an indicator that the Russian presence did not diminish. Finally, the study suggests the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is perhaps the beginning of a new tendency towards macro-regional policy development, which will play a future important role in the international relations.

Regional architecture defines a type of architecture that adapts to the everyday needs of a people and is constructed by the building methods and materials of the region. Regions do not have clear boundaries, but are largely defined by the conditions of nature: climate, soil, topography, vegetation, water. Through this thesis project I have tried to create a regional architecture in Indianapolis, Indiana that embraces the surrounding context, but does not imitate the architecture of the past, through a mixed-use building for everyday life. / Master of Architecture

One of the more significant regional groupings to have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union is the wider Black Sea. Located at the jagged confluence of the Western, Orthodox and Muslim worlds, the region was quite frequently a violent meeting place, and thus instead of a bridge between civilizations, it has been a barrier. Even more compelling is how the presence of oil and gas has thrust the Black Sea into the world's view and contributed to the rush of external interest, and how this has helped develop a unique regional entity. Today, in an interconnected global economy, the region's position as a producer and conduit for fossil fuels makes it impossible to consider in isolation. More importantly, to succinctly define this dissertation's research question, it can be asked how does energy act as a transformational agent in the emergence of a Black Sea region? / Ph. D.

Utilizing archival research from Berea College's Appalachian Sound Archives and Appalachian State University's Belk Special Collection, more than 45 survey results, 15 extensive interviews, and participant observations from 15 festival field sites, I examine bluegrass festivals as sites of identity production through feminist methodologies and a participatory ethnographic approach. This requires careful analysis of the nature of the genre's audience and audience members' investments in the process of framing the performance of bluegrass music's history through a shared historical narrative. More broadly, this analysis clarifies the nuanced role of bluegrass festivals in constructing generalizations about place-based identities, race, and gender within the performative space of festivals. In this assessment, the political and economic actions generated as a result of bluegrass performances are explored as temporal and spatial organizers for the (re)production and consumption of generalized ideals which are projected onto both literal and figurative southern stages. I perform this research utilizing the conceptual frameworks of theories of space and place, politics of culture, and feminist methods, combined through critical regionalism. My hypothesis is that bluegrass festivals serve as spaces to perform white patriarchal capitalist desires while relying on marginalized and hidden cultural productions and exchanges. My findings reveal that in order to gain a fuller understanding of politics culture, the stage must be subverted and the researcher's gaze must go beyond that which is typically traditionally framed to encompass the festival in its entirety. This requires seeking out not merely that which is intentionally framed but also narratives that create the stage or are omitted by dominant ways of interpreting the festival space. Ultimately, I find the significance of temporary physical sites for identity construction and the potential for dynamic social change within these spaces relies on the ability of scholars and participants alike to re-historicize and retell dominant narratives. / Ph. D. / The fantasized rural Appalachian region and greater south—a social construct, constantly created and recreated by social desires, political needs, and economic trends—has been a space of cultural production and experimentation, notably since the reconstruction era. One result has been the stereotypically regional genre of bluegrass music. This project asks how bluegrass music festivals began, for whom, and to what end. More importantly, it turns an eye towards research methods and power structures within the community. Research was conducted at Berea College’s Appalachian Sound Archives, at Appalachian State University’s Belk Special Collection, and through online surveys, participant observations, and interviews. In this dissertation, I carefully examine the role(s) of bluegrass festivals, specifically those envisioned and enacted by Carlton Haney (notably, in Fincastle, Virginia, in 1965). My findings illuminate how bluegrass festivals serve as sites where widely accepted generalizations about place (specifically, Appalachia and the rural American south) and specifically the bluegrass community are formed. Further, I address the role of gender within these spaces and the symbiotic relationship between female labor and bluegrass. The history of bluegrass festivals is approached with the intention of broadening discussions of gender, labor, and historical narratives beyond the festival grounds.

We need to build less. As a soon-to-be architectural graduate, one could have hoped that the architectural discourse would have come to a more uplifting insight, but here we are, and the reason behind it is perhaps even more daunting, climate change. It seems increasingly apparent that building “green” may not be enough, we must build less. As if that was not prodigious enough, there is the paradoxical fact that, due to war and climate change, there is a growing population of displaced people, rising the demand for new housing and it is doing so at an everything ever-accelerating pace. As a final product, the thesis aims to question on how architects should navigate the demand for immediate shelter without sacrificing the preservation of a nation’s identity, delicately balancing urgency with the timeless essence of cultural heritage by proposing an architecture that is meant to last. A house that will stand the test of time in terms of external stresses caused by the climate, variations in the perception of aesthetic allure as well as the identity of the nation, city, and neighborhood.

The process which culminated in the establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1967 started in the early 1920s. The idea was first conceived in Britain. Initially, East Africans vehemently opposed this idea fearing that it would sustain British hegemony in the region, but their resentment did not prevent the establishment of the East African High Commission (EAHC) in January 1948. It was only in the 1950s and 1960s that East African leaders embraced the idea due to political and economic reasons. In 1961 they converted the EAHC into the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) and in 1967 they established the EAC. Nationalism and sub-nationalisms in the region cast a spell on the EAC. The coup, which took place in Uganda in 1971, strained relations between Idi Amin and Presidents Nyerere and Kenyatta thus making it impossible to hold regional meetings. Eventually, the EAC collapsed in June 1977. / Political Science / M.A. (Politics)

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

La version intégrale de ce mémoire est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU). / Le chansonnier breton Théodore Botrel est connu pour être le père du mouvement de propagande de la Bonne Chanson. Ce mouvement naît dans le contexte montmartrois, alors qu’en 1900, les chansonniers se réunissent en Congrès pour discuter de l’avenir de leur art, malmené par le flot infatigable des chansons de café-concert. Ce combat pour la « saine » culture, c’est aussi celui de la IIIe République au nom de la moralité. C’est dans ce contexte que Botrel, débutant dans les cabarets artistiques parisiens, choisit de ne chanter que sa Bretagne dans un répertoire exempt de grivoiseries. Il s’inscrit alors dans un courant qui embrasse la Belle Époque : le régionalisme. Soucieuse de préserver le particularisme des « petites patries » et face au pouvoir centralisateur parisien, l’élite culturelle régionale entreprend un vaste travail de valorisation des régions. La Bretagne occupe une place particulière dans ce courant en tant que conservatoire de la tradition et principale victime des réformes d’Émile Combes qui s’attaquent aux ferments de son identité : sa langue et sa religion. Ce mouvement trouve écho au Canada français où l’idéologie dominante brandit l’étendard du nationalisme politico-culturel. Parce qu’ils défendent l’idée de la « vocation française » en Amérique et le maintien des « bonnes mœurs », l’élite traditionnelle et les journaux saluent les venues de Botrel au Québec en 1903 et 1922. Patriotique, catholique et conservateur, le chansonnier bénéficie de la conjoncture historico-culturelle québéco-bretonne. De Paris à la Bretagne, puis au Canada, Botrel connaît un succès sans égal. / The Breton cabaret singer Théodore Botrel is known as the father of the propagandist movement of La Bonne Chanson. In the context of Montmartre's culture, the year 1900 sees the creation of this movement during a Congress uniting cabaret artists to discuss the future of their art, scoffed by the tireless torrent of café-concert songs. This fight for “sane” culture is also the one of the Third Republic in the name of morality. It is in this context that Botrel, who makes his debut in the Parisian artistic cabarets, chooses to sing only about Brittany and without bawdy talk. Therefore, he is part of a trend which embraces the Belle Époque : regionalism. Concerned about protecting the distinctive identity of “small homelands” and in the face of Parisian centralizing power, the regional cultural elite begins greatly promoting regions. Brittany occupies a particular place in this trend as conservatory of traditions and as the main victim of the reforms of Émiles Combes which attack the ferments of its identity : language and religion. This movement finds echo in French Canada where the dominant ideology brandishes the banner of politico-cultural nationalism. Because they defend the idea of the “French vocation” in America and seek to preserve “good customs”, the traditional elite and newspapers welcome Botrels’ visits in Quebec in 1903 and 1922. Patriotic, catholic and conservative, the cabaret singer benefits from the historico-cultural circumstances in Quebec and in Brittany. From Paris to Brittany, then in Canada, Botrel knows an unequalled success.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the collapse of the Communist bloc, Mongolia has pursued the independent foreign policy with balanced relations attached to the two great neighbors - Russia and China. Meanwhile, the search for a "third neighbor" (the United States, Japan and/or the collective community of democracies) has been seen as the alternative approach to the existing "neighbor-oriented" policy. The thesis argues that both approaches are not mutually exclusive schools of foreign policy, but rather constitute the common approach that is described within this research as "bufferism." To present an alternative vision of the nation's foreign policy orientation, the thesis covers the major schools of international relations and identifies the two major causes of policy: identity (based on constructivism) and interest (based on realism). As a nation, Mongolia faces the identity trilemma and the security dilemma, without much preference given to any of these options during the last decade. Hence appears the nation's ambiguity in identity, security and economic development. The thesis puts the argument that without prioritizing one option, Mongolia faces the risk of degrading into a failing state isolated from the global affairs. Thus, the reconciliation of its identity and interest, as well as of its aspirations must lead to a rational choice of a Sino-centric East Asian policy dimension over any other. / Civilian, Mongolian Ministry of Defense