1980年代，全球化在新自由主義的經濟發展模式驅動下，風起雲湧的在世界各地攻城掠地，不到幾年的光景，新自由主義的意識型態成為世界各國主要的經濟發展模式，就連一向為保護主義大本營的拉丁美洲，也改弦易轍的擁抱新自由主義，希望這樣的琵琶別抱，可以獲得一個美好的未來。 全球化由經濟力量帶領，對人類舊有的世界秩序產生衝擊，衝擊的層面不只侷限在經濟面向，社會是一個整體，經濟面向進一步影響了政治、社會、文化、安全等，帶來了一個廣泛而全面的鉅變。然而，經濟全球化的速度發展過快，人類社會還來不及產生一個相應社會來配合發展，於是，一股來自社會的政治力量反撲，也從世界每個角落，吹起出征的號角。政治反撲的形式之一，就是1980年代中期開使興起的新區域主義，南錐地區便由巴西、阿根廷帶頭，成立了南錐共同市場，以區域整合來迎接全球化所帶來的衝擊。 舊有的世界秩序，在全球化與區域化兩股力量的衝擊下，正在改變，新的世界秩序，在這兩股力量的激盪下，正在形成。處在一個舊世界秩序正在改變，新世界秩序尚未形成的年代，必須有一套理論來解釋這樣的現象，舊有的國際政治經濟理論無法給人類一個滿意的答案，於是到了1990年代中期，Bj□rn Hetten等人為主的「新區域主義方法」興起，強調區域是一個動態的概念，從區域性來看區域整合，將其分為區域空間、區域複合體、區域社會、區域共同體、區域國家等五個階段，此外，新區域主義方法認為區域化動力來自於多面向，必須從文化、安全、經濟政策、政治體制等多面向來觀察，而在層次上，則可從世界體系、區域間、區域、次國家等多層次來分析。對於形成中的新世界秩序，新區域主義方法也提出新世界秩序必須包含和平、發展和環境永續的價值，而這些便可透過安全區域主義、發展區域主義和環境永續來達成。 南錐地區的區域整合，在1979年之前，由於安全上處於衝突形成狀態，經濟往來程度亦不高，屬於新區域主義方法下的區域複合體階段。1979到1991年之間，南錐站在區域複合體的基礎上，加速了區域整合的進程，南錐地區的實質區域形成，區域性增加，進入新區域主義方法的區域社會階段。1991年之後，南錐共同市場成立，南錐地區的整合成為一個具有正式組織的法理區域，整合的速度、廣度、深度都不斷的成長，成為一個具有認同的區域主體，尤其在對外談判上，更是展現南錐共同市場作為一個活躍區域主體的實力，經過這些區域整合的努力，南錐地區已經達到新區域主義方法中，區域共同體的階段。 全球化對於舊有的世界秩序帶來衝擊，人類社會處在一個十字路口，未來的世界新秩序到底要往哪裡走，仍舊是目前爭辦的課題之一。當今浮上台面的世界新秩序選項，主要為以區域為主體的後西發利亞秩序，以及以國家為主體的新西發利亞秩序，這兩個選項的背後，隱藏著全球化與區域化兩股力量的相互激盪，而其中南錐共同市場的整合，也深受這兩股力量的影響。當我們對未來混沌不知時，掌握這兩股力量的脈動，將有助於我們走向下一個路口。

The process which culminated in the establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1967 started in the early 1920s. The idea was first conceived in Britain. Initially, East Africans vehemently opposed this idea fearing that it would sustain British hegemony in the region, but their resentment did not prevent the establishment of the East African High Commission (EAHC) in January 1948. It was only in the 1950s and 1960s that East African leaders embraced the idea due to political and economic reasons. In 1961 they converted the EAHC into the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) and in 1967 they established the EAC. Nationalism and sub-nationalisms in the region cast a spell on the EAC. The coup, which took place in Uganda in 1971, strained relations between Idi Amin and Presidents Nyerere and Kenyatta thus making it impossible to hold regional meetings. Eventually, the EAC collapsed in June 1977. / Political Science / M.A. (Politics)

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

The presented thesis is analyzing the regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (WB) focusing on interactions of local actors. Theoretical background is based on the new regionalism, a theoretical approach to regional interactions. Contemporary studies on New Regionalism (NR) actually do not consider the Western Balkans to be part of this process and as a result we lack sufficient information about the basic characteristics of this region. The author proves that the WB is engaged in the process of the new regionalism and in fact by focusing on the institutional structure he demonstrates that several parallel processes are ongoing in the region as for example regional cooperation, integration or cooperation with another region. For the purpose of this research two projects of regional cooperation were chosen, South Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP) and the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) which are regarded as the main pillars of the political cooperation in the WB. By examining their structure we may understand the relevance of the region as an independent actor and the general aims of the regional cooperation.

African Union (AU) multilateral efforts in governance flounder at the level of implementation and their substantive intervention worth do not accord with the aspirations embodied in adopted normative frameworks and instruments. The research served to uncover the policy and delivery challenges within the overall AU institutional system as a means of providing a perspective on the future of AU governance mechanisms and related intervention modalities. Detailed empirical engagement, through an institutional lens, with norm formation and implementation in accountability, the rule of law and state capacity, and related delivery practices, enabled the extraction of crucial efficacy challenges in the AU institutional system. The exploration, using evidence embodied in documents from the AU governance implementation system, served to confirm that the AU continues to struggle between the imperatives of integration through established shared values and the exercise of state sovereignty. Within the policy-delivery nexus, the research points to the importance of agency by AU institutions and how practices and incentives serve to pervert the aspiration for a multilateral value-adding system in governance. In addition to providing a comprehensive historical macro-overview of AU governance intervention and related implementation modalities, the research served to uncover the implementation ‘black-box’ through a careful and comprehensive study of practices in each of the governance intervention terrains. The institutional focus serves to affirm that answerability for performance in the use of public resource and the structuring of organisations, matter for delivery and the production of substantive regional integration value. The core efficacy challenges at the level of AU multilateral engagements and implementation, such as norm proliferation, the exercise of power and sovereignty, staffing and capacity gaps, point to the need for a substantive and strategic reorientation of the AU governance normative framework and related intervention modalities. As an outcome of the analysis and reflection, a ‘norm graduating model’ is proposed to accommodate contextual realities in AU Member States on the back of historically hard-fought-for shared values in governance. At the level of implementation modalities, efficacy challenges point to the importance of a more tempered and realistic delivery approach. The primary focus in the immediate term should be on building governance through a diffused peer-engagement strategy culminating in norm compliance and full adherence to the provisions of established AU governance instruments over the long-term. / Public Administration and Management / Ph. D. (Public Administration)

This study is a degree project in Information Design with a focus on Spatial Design. The aim has been to gain an understanding of the residents' relationship to the city of Fuengirola through methods and theories. This with the goal of developing a public environment that leads to an increased sense of place while respecting and informing about a culture that is de-prioritized in favor of fast-growing tourism. The work inspects, from a perspective of Critical Regionalism and Sense of Place, the meaning of an authentic cultural experience and how it can be communicated through a spatial design.   Methodical work has been carried out where interviews, photo studies, site analyses and an analysis of these have led to answers regarding which factors the residents of Fuengirola feel most attached to and which aspects have been lost over time. The results concluded that the attachment to place and the place identity that Fuengirola generates are based on interactions, traditions, and social gatherings, where the beach and tourism play a leading role. The sense of place is also strengthened through materials from a former room, as they still have a cultural importance today. The collected empirical evidence in combination with the theories has been the basis for a design proposal. The proposal involves a concept of different passages that reflects the activities and interactions that have characterized a room of the past and the factors that created an attachment to the place among the inhabitants. This degree project only visualizes part of a selected street to give an example of how these streets can potentially benefit an increased sense of place, place identity and connection to place in the city of Fuengirola. / Denna studie är ett examensarbete inom Informationsdesign med inriktning Rumslig Gestaltning. Syftet har varit att genom metoder och teorier få en förståelse för invånarnas relation till staden Fuengirola. Detta med målet att utveckla en offentlig miljö som leder till en ökad platskänsla samtidigt som den respekterar och informerar om en kultur som bortprioriteras till förmån för en snabbväxande turism. Arbetet inspekterar, ur ett perspektiv av Kritisk Regionalism och Sense of Place, innebörden av en autentisk kulturell upplevelse och hur den kan kommuniceras genom en rumslig utformning. Ett metodiskt arbete har bedrivits där intervjuer, fotostudier, platsanalyser samt en analys av dessa har lett till svar inom vilka faktorer som Fuengirolas invånare känner mest anknytning för samt vilka aspekter som förlorats genom tiden. Resultaten kommer fram till att den platsanknytningen samt den platsidentitet som Fuengirola genererar har sin grund i interaktioner, traditioner och sociala sammankomster, där strand och turism bär en ledande roll. Platskänslan stärks även genom material från ett dåtida rum, då de har fortfarande en kulturell vikt idag. Den insamlade empirin i kombination med teorierna har legat som grund för ett gestaltningsförslag. Förslaget innebär ett koncept av olika stråk som reflekterar de aktiviteter och interaktioner som har präglat ett dåtida rum och de faktorer som skapat en platsanknytning hos invånarna. Detta examensarbete visualiserar endast del av en utvald gata för att ge ett exempel på hur dessa stråk kan eventuellt gynna en ökad platskänsla, platsidentitet och platsanknytning i staden Fuengirola. / <p>En del bilder har inför publicering suddats ut på grund av upphovsrättsliga skäl. </p>

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

This thesis examines the politics of local, governance in the Scottish Highlands, taking the Highlands and Islands Enterprise (HIE) network - made up of a central core and 10 Local Enterprise Companies (LECs) - as its institutional focus. It synthesises regulationist approaches and neo-Marxist state theory to explain LECs as part of a broader process of re-regulation under consecutive Conservative governments. LECs are unelected, business-led agencies operating at the local level. The political discourse through which LECs were established and promoted created expectations of local autonomy among business representatives that clashed with the centralising tendencies of Thatcherism. The thesis examines how the resultant tension between local initiative and central control has been worked out within the HIE network. It relies on data collected from seventy semi-structured interviews with representatives of HIE, LECs, local authorities, businesses and community groups. The initial chapters introduce the research and consider key methodological issues, set out the theoretical framework, and review the practices of the Highlands and Islands Development Board (HIDB, HIE's successor). The thesis then explores the key tension between local initiative and central control, explaining how it has been mediated and resolved through routine institutional practices. It also examines HIE-LECs relations with other key agencies, notably local authorities, through selected examples of multi-agency partnerships and assesses LECs' local accountability and representativeness. Finally, a concluding chapter sets out the main findings and considers their implications. While key managerial 'technologies' such as targeting, audit and financial controls allow central government to monitor and steer the HIE network, the thesis argues that the authoritative resources of the HIE core - grounded in the combination of local knowledge and technical expertise inherited from the HIDB - enables it to adapt key aspects of the operating regime to its own purposes. Local autonomy is limited by the relative centralisation of the Network, and LECs operate in a system of structured flexibility in which their scope to adapt policy to local conditions is constrained by state rules and procedures. In emphasising that local autonomy is limited by hierarchical mechanisms of control, the thesis argues that local governance in the Scottish Highlands continues to be underpinned by government. It also points to the limits of the regulation approach and neo-Marxist state theory as theoretical perspectives, suggesting that neo-Foucauldian writings on govemmentality are useful in providing stronger analytical purchase on the specific mechanisms and procedures through which state regulation is practised.

The goal of the thesis "New phenomena in the relations between the EU and Australia New Zealand at the beginning of the third millennium" is to analyze mutual trade and economic relations in the context of new phenomena in regionalism, represented here mostly by bi-regionalism and trans-regionalism. The first part of the thesis characterizes economic positions of EU, Australia and New Zealand in the global economy and emphasizes their historical and societal ties. The second part of the thesis elaborates on the development of mutual relations between the EU Australia and EU New Zealand. In particular it sums up the process of deepening of their cooperation up to the current association of equal partners. This is illustrated by existing legal basis of the relations and the current trade exchange data. The focal point of the thesis is the possibility of further intensification of mutual cooperation, especially through conclusion of a preferential agreement that would remove remaining trade barriers between the EU and Australia New Zealand. In the context of the new phenomena in regionalism, any type of preferential agreement would have potential to foster their relationships as well as bring positive impact to process of multilateral liberalization. The issue of preferential agreement is therefore considered in the light of the steadily rising importance of the Asia-Pacific region. While Australia and New Zealand have concluded an agreement on a free trade zone with ASEAN, negotiations with the EU have been suspended. The thesis confirms one of its main hypothesis, marking their different approaches to agricultural policy as the main obstacle to concluding of a free trade agreement between the EU and Australia New Zealand. Based on the findings, the thesis concludes by outlining several scenarios of possible future development of mutual relations and their positive and negative aspects.

The purpose of this thesis is to give a concise view of stylistic, iconographical, and iconological trends in Southern genre paintings and illustrations between 1830 and 1890 by native Southern artists and artists who lived at least ten years in the South. Exploration of artworks was accomplished by compiling as many artworks as possible per decade, separating each decade by dominant trends in subject matter, and researching to determine political and/or social implications associated with and affecting each image. Historical documents and the findings of other scholars revealed that many artworks carried political overtones reflecting the dominant thought of the white ruling class during the period while the significance and interpretation of other artworks was achieved by studying dominant personal beliefs and social practices.