中國崛起與美國衰退是近幾年來受到高度關注的議題，然而，中國是否真的對美國的影響力產生威脅，仍需要進一步的研究與客觀證據的判定。 本論文以美國傳統的勢力範圍－拉丁美洲地區為研究對象，探討美國、中國對拉丁美洲地區的影響力。首先，本論文透過經濟、政治及安全關係三個層面的探討，可以瞭解到，雖然中國對拉丁美洲國家有積極的經營，但美國在拉丁美洲地區仍保有穩定的優勢。而中國對拉丁美洲地區的影響力，主要表現在經濟的層面，在政治與安全上，中國的影響力與美國相比仍有非常大的差距。 再者，透過拉丁美洲國家在聯合國大會中的投票行為，更可以進一步的驗證，中國對拉丁美洲地區的影響力是有限的。相較於政治、安全性議題，拉丁美洲國家在對美國重要的議題上，與美國有較高的投票一致性，而在美國與中國立場不同的議題上，影響拉丁美洲國家的因素也不一定是來自於中國。從拉丁美洲國家的投票行為來看，中國對拉丁美洲國家的影響力仍相當有限，對美國的威脅也並不明顯。 所以，美國在拉丁美洲地區的領先地位，在短期內並不會受到中國太大的影響，美國對拉丁美洲國家的影響力仍保有穩定的優勢。

The global financial crisis has been catalogued as one of the worst economical recessions since the Great Depression in 1930’s. The history in Latin America has shown that the region has been turbulent in respect of economic crisis. They were three main channels, which are divided in contagion and/or interdepended to Latin America; first the remittances saw a drop, the smallest countries like the Central Americans countries were the most affected by this channel. The second channel was in the export with the freeze in the international trade market. And the third channel was the financial shock with global finances and credit constraint. For the seven biggest economies; Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela; the second and third channel were the ones that most affected them. There is not proof that within the region toxic assets were acquired; this is the main raison that we have take macroeconomics variables to measure the impact of the crisis. Thanks to the propitious economic circumstances in the past years made Latin American countries had a great economic growth, this helped them to grow their international reserves and have a healthier fiscal system. Those two tools were fundamental to fight against the crisis with counter cyclical policies. Also most of the countries have started to diversify they exports to other regions, focusing more in Asia especially the gigantic Republic Peoples of China. Some countries apply this strategy more aggressively than others, and as a result they bounced back quicker than other countries. It has been said, that this kind of economic depressions only happens once every one hundred years. Latin America suffered as the entire world did, but they were better prepare and their strategies worked to reactivate their local economies. Some countries have been economically performing better and have kept their inflation and unemployment rates at the same level as before the crisis started.

After almost two years of residing in the Republic of China, the author of this business plan together with her business partner came to realize that there is market potential for offering Spanish Language teaching services abroad. Every year, there are more than one thousand Taiwanese students enrolled in one of three modalities of college or university Spanish Language courses: as a major or minor; as an elective course; and, as a non credit course. A small percentage of the students who study Spanish Language travel abroad to increase their abilities in the language. Most of them choose Spain simply because it is the only choice they have been offered. On the other hand, most of the students who don’t travel abroad to practice the Spanish language don’t do it because traveling to Spain to study the language is too expensive for their budgets. This business plan describes a business model to promote a Language Center in La Antigua, Guatemala, which represents a less expensive alternative for those Taiwanese students who want to practice the Spanish Language but are not willing to pay the higher price charged for similar services in Spain. The business logistics include setting a Promotion Company in Honduras, which will work through a Promotion Office in the Republic of China to promote the services of Language Center located in Guatemala. A separate business plan will be elaborated for the operations of the Language Center in Guatemala. To determine whether the proposed business model is feasible or not, a market research was conducted. Through the results of this research it was established the potential demand and marketing mix. An operational study was also conducted to determine the optimal structure of the business and a financial study and analysis was conducted to determine the profitability level of the investment. The market research revealed that Taiwanese students would be willing to spend around NT$100,000 for a 10 week intensive course in La Antigua, Guatemala. The demand for these services has been forecasted to go from 58 to 193 in a period of 5 years, generating revenues ranging from NT$5.8 to 23.4 million in the same period. According to the calculations, the business would repay the investment in a 13-month period and would bring an average of 84% of return on equity during the first five years of operations, making it an exceptional investment opportunity.

This business plan has been developed in order to evaluate the feasibility for the start-up of a trading company based in Honduras and a Latin American Cafeteria based in Taipei, Taiwan, Eureka LLC. The present will also serve as an operational framework and plan for the first three years that the company will be in business. According to Taiwanese law, the company needs to have a representative from the home office and a manager that lives in Taiwan. Hence, Eureka LLC will have two founding partners, and will need a start-up capital of $44,347.64 which will be provided jointly in equal parts by the founding partners. While taking advantage of the current FTAs between Taiwan and some Latin American countries, this business plan will also serve to demonstrate the enormous potential that there is for trading between Latin America and Taiwan, not only for the economy of the countries but also for the well-being of Latin American expats living in Taiwan. The forecasts show that the business model works and it can let the company grow organically over time, by adding new products according to the demand or even by entering other Asian markets.

傳統的貿易理論認為，已開發中家若開放貿易會減少其國內低技術勞工的需求，降低低技術工的相對工資，進而惡化該國的不均度。反之，開發中國家若開放貿易會增加其國內低技術勞工的需求，提升低技術工的相對工資，進而改善該國的不均度。這個理論在亞洲四小龍的貿易開放歷程中獲得印證。但拉丁美洲各國在1980年代中期採行貿易自由化政策的結果，卻使該境內各國的工資不均度產生惡化的情況。許多學者認為中國大陸及其他低工資國家於1970年代末開放貿易、進入國際市場這一事件，是最可能導致東亞及拉丁美洲各國工資結構發展不同的主要原因。 　為了檢定「大陸開放貿易是導致東亞及拉丁美洲各國工資結構發展不同的主要原因」之假設，本研究採反證法將大陸的基期關稅調整為1984年大陸未申請復關時的關稅水準。若上述假設成立，則在大陸未開放市場的情況下，拉丁美洲各國之工資不均度應下降。 　研究結果發現1.中國大陸貿易自由化與否對東亞各國之影響顯著大於拉丁美洲各國； 2.大陸提高關稅對成衣業及紡織業所造成的衝擊最大； 3.大陸改革開放與拉丁美洲工資不均惡化並無直接關係。而造成此結果的根本原因在於中國大陸與拉丁美洲各國的出口相似度極低，兩地區在出口市場的競爭程度並不如一般想像中高。

本文首先檢視國際、美國與拉丁美洲對於毒品之定義，發現國際與美國對於毒品之定義與拉丁美洲之定義不同，使毒品政策之合作在還未開始前就有了歧異。美國對拉丁美洲反毒政策的實行多是依靠其在區域中的權力分配地位而為之，從雷根政府時期開始，分為前哥倫比亞計畫、哥倫比亞計畫以及美里達計畫，論述美國在拉丁美洲的毒品政策。之後，檢視美國在拉丁美洲的毒品政策對拉丁美洲國家之影響，包括：人權問題、環境問題、經濟發展問題、貪腐問題、暴力問題和民主問題。面對美國毒品政策的負面影響，拉丁美洲國家於本世紀初開始在區域或是多邊的國際場域挑戰美國在拉丁美洲的毒品政策。最後，對於美國在拉丁美洲毒品政策的影響提出個人的看法作結。 / This essay offers a view of how U.S. antidrug policy influences Latin American, introducing its repercussions and how Latin America response to it. First, we analyze how international community, U.S. and Latin America define drugs. We find that Latin America has its own interpretation of drugs and its problem, especially when it refers to cocaine and coca leaf. Thus, it foreshadows conflicts over implementation of the U.S. antidrug policy on Latin America. Second, we review the U.S. antidrug policy on Latin America since the Raegan Administration via the aspect of asymmetric power relations in international relation, introducing and delineating important antidrug policy on Latin America; meanwhile analyze consistence and modification in different administrations. Third, we categorize the repercussions of U.S. antidrug policy on Latin America, such as violation of human rights, environmental pollution, economic issue, corruption problem and democracy development. And we raise some cases to indicate that facing those repercussions, Latin America starts to challenge U.S. antidrug policy. Last, we make a conclusion through the aspect of asymmetric power relation between U.S. and Latin America and raise opinion on whether the U.S. antidrug policy on Lain America is successful or not.

在世界許多地方，近年來，由於經濟狀況不佳，公民對政府的不滿情況已經很明顯。各國政府一直在努力調整和糾正一些政策。然而，中央銀行影響市場的許多方式是公民可以控制其貨幣體系的創新概念的動力。本文將研究其中一項名為比特幣的創新。 2008年金融危機之後，出現了一個新的命題，排除了任何中央政府免受某種貨幣的干預。創建了一個項目，考慮到在處理付款時，不需要中間人來執行用戶之間的交易。在最開始，沒有人注意到沒有人知道，但在過去幾年裡，現在眾所周知的比特幣已經受到全世界的關注，這個話題引起了大的消息。 在本文中，描述了理解比特幣生態系統的基本概念，並對此數字貨幣體系進行了簡要介紹。本文的主要焦點是比特幣在拉丁美洲的使用和傳播，並進行了深入的分析，發現與採用比特幣相關的經濟體的核心問題。本文強調兩個特定國家，委內瑞拉和阿根廷，主要是因為經濟原因。 / In many places around the world, the discontent from citizens towards governments because of poor economic situations has been evident in recent years. Governments have been trying to make adjustments and correct some policies. However, the many ways in which central banks influence markets has been the motivation for innovative concepts in which citizens can take control of their monetary system. This paper will study one of these innovations called Bitcoin. After the financial crisis of 2008, a new proposition arose to exclude any central government from the intervention of a given currency. A project was created bearing in mind that no intermediary would be needed to executed transactions between users when dealing with payments. At the very beginning no one paid attention and nobody know about it, but in the last few years, what is now well known as Bitcoin has received worldwide attention and big news has been arising from this topic. In this paper, the basic concepts for understanding the Bitcoin ecosystem is described, and a brief introduction regarding this digital currency system is undertaken. The primary focus of the paper is the usage and spread of Bitcoin in Latin America, and an in-depth analysis is done, finding core issues on economies which are related to the adoption of Bitcoin. The paper places an emphasis on two particular countries, Venezuela and Argentina, primarily because of economic reasons.

Acculturation is the process in which individuals modify themselves to a new, dominant culture and how individuals acquire knowledge, skills, and behaviors appropriate to the consumer culture of the dominant culture. This study seeks to determine how the acculturation influence variables mentioned in past studies, the situational variable of companionship during consumption, and the marketing tactics employed by Taiwanese firms influence consumer acculturation of Latin American student visitors in Taiwan, i.e. attitude toward Taiwanese brands, consumption intention, and consumption behavior. Two product categories are studied: food and clothing. Data from Latin American student visitors were collected via web-based English and Spanish questionnaires as well as two in-depth interviews. Regression analysis and cluster analysis results indicate the following main findings: (1) marketing tactics employing English, Spanish, or Latin elements result in less preference consumption of Taiwanese food products and brands; (2) Taiwanese companionship during consumption is positively associated with more preference and consumption of Taiwanese food and clothing brands and products; (3) permanent residence intent and Taiwanese clothing preference and consumption are positively associated; (4) Taiwan media exposure is positively associated with Taiwan clothing consumption; (5) cosmopolitanism is negatively associated with Taiwan clothing consumption; (6) food product consumer acculturation is higher than clothing products in terms of consumption intention and consumption behavior whereas preference of Taiwanese brands in both product categories do not vary; (7) four acculturation patterns that coincide with past studies were identified among the Latin American student visitors in Taiwan, namely integrationists, assimilationists, separatists, and marginalizationists. These findings not only identify Berry’s acculturation patterns among visitors, but they also provide a different insight into consumer acculturation by studying visitors who by nature are different from the commonly studied immigrants: they do not travel in family units, hence the food habits are not as change resistant, and they do not intend to stay in the host culture for long, hence they supply of clothing they bring along with them allows them to refrain from consuming host culture clothing. Findings also contribute to both academia and management by discovering the negatively relationship between marketing tactics employing English and Spanish elements (e.g. English/Spanish communication content, salesperson, and brand names) and visitors’ consumer acculturation.

1980年代，全球化在新自由主義的經濟發展模式驅動下，風起雲湧的在世界各地攻城掠地，不到幾年的光景，新自由主義的意識型態成為世界各國主要的經濟發展模式，就連一向為保護主義大本營的拉丁美洲，也改弦易轍的擁抱新自由主義，希望這樣的琵琶別抱，可以獲得一個美好的未來。 全球化由經濟力量帶領，對人類舊有的世界秩序產生衝擊，衝擊的層面不只侷限在經濟面向，社會是一個整體，經濟面向進一步影響了政治、社會、文化、安全等，帶來了一個廣泛而全面的鉅變。然而，經濟全球化的速度發展過快，人類社會還來不及產生一個相應社會來配合發展，於是，一股來自社會的政治力量反撲，也從世界每個角落，吹起出征的號角。政治反撲的形式之一，就是1980年代中期開使興起的新區域主義，南錐地區便由巴西、阿根廷帶頭，成立了南錐共同市場，以區域整合來迎接全球化所帶來的衝擊。 舊有的世界秩序，在全球化與區域化兩股力量的衝擊下，正在改變，新的世界秩序，在這兩股力量的激盪下，正在形成。處在一個舊世界秩序正在改變，新世界秩序尚未形成的年代，必須有一套理論來解釋這樣的現象，舊有的國際政治經濟理論無法給人類一個滿意的答案，於是到了1990年代中期，Bj□rn Hetten等人為主的「新區域主義方法」興起，強調區域是一個動態的概念，從區域性來看區域整合，將其分為區域空間、區域複合體、區域社會、區域共同體、區域國家等五個階段，此外，新區域主義方法認為區域化動力來自於多面向，必須從文化、安全、經濟政策、政治體制等多面向來觀察，而在層次上，則可從世界體系、區域間、區域、次國家等多層次來分析。對於形成中的新世界秩序，新區域主義方法也提出新世界秩序必須包含和平、發展和環境永續的價值，而這些便可透過安全區域主義、發展區域主義和環境永續來達成。 南錐地區的區域整合，在1979年之前，由於安全上處於衝突形成狀態，經濟往來程度亦不高，屬於新區域主義方法下的區域複合體階段。1979到1991年之間，南錐站在區域複合體的基礎上，加速了區域整合的進程，南錐地區的實質區域形成，區域性增加，進入新區域主義方法的區域社會階段。1991年之後，南錐共同市場成立，南錐地區的整合成為一個具有正式組織的法理區域，整合的速度、廣度、深度都不斷的成長，成為一個具有認同的區域主體，尤其在對外談判上，更是展現南錐共同市場作為一個活躍區域主體的實力，經過這些區域整合的努力，南錐地區已經達到新區域主義方法中，區域共同體的階段。 全球化對於舊有的世界秩序帶來衝擊，人類社會處在一個十字路口，未來的世界新秩序到底要往哪裡走，仍舊是目前爭辦的課題之一。當今浮上台面的世界新秩序選項，主要為以區域為主體的後西發利亞秩序，以及以國家為主體的新西發利亞秩序，這兩個選項的背後，隱藏著全球化與區域化兩股力量的相互激盪，而其中南錐共同市場的整合，也深受這兩股力量的影響。當我們對未來混沌不知時，掌握這兩股力量的脈動，將有助於我們走向下一個路口。

委內瑞拉為世界第五大的石油輸出國，且同為石油輸出國家組織的創始會員國之一。石油是委內瑞拉最為重要的產業與經濟活動，而委內瑞拉因石油而富，亦因石油而貧，委內瑞拉所依賴的石油一直以來猶如兩面刃般深刻的影響委內瑞拉的政治、經濟與社會。 　　1992年政變失敗的陸軍中校查維茲打著激烈改革的口號，於1998年贏得委內瑞拉總統大選，終結支配委內瑞拉政治長達50年的「協定民主」，為委內瑞拉的歷史打開了新的一頁。對於查維茲而言，委內瑞拉的石油不但是國家主權獨立的象徵，同時亦應用於國際政治中重要的地緣政治武器。因此，查維茲上台後，便積極展開石油改革計畫，強化對國內石油產業的控制權，重整委內瑞拉國營石油公司，並利用石油收入進行社會發展計畫。此外，配合近年來國際油價的高漲，查維茲在區域與國際政治舞台上，運用委內瑞拉豐富的石油蘊藏與龐大的石油收入，進行合縱連橫，攏絡盟友並且試圖削弱美國的影響力。 　　本研究採用K. J. Holsti所提出的個人、國家、體系與全球四個分析層次作為主要分析架構，以求對於查維茲政權能源政策做出全面性的探討。此論文假設查維茲政權能源政策的發展，決策者為核心因素，藉由在個人層次上，透過決策者個人研究，以求對查維茲個人政治理念有通盤的了解，並探討如何影響委內瑞拉能源政策之發展。再者，選取在國內、體系中對委內瑞拉能源政策影響較深的因素，解釋查維茲政權在這些因素影響下，產生何種政策輸出？最後，探討近年來全球能源環境的變遷與重要的發展趨勢，作為影響查維茲政權能源政策的重要中介因素，解釋全球能源環境的變化與發展對查維茲能源政策有何影響？ / Venezuela is the fifth-largest oil exporter in the world, also, one of the funding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In Venezuela, most industries and economic activities are dominated by Petroleum sector, a “double edged sword” which brings both positive and negative effects, and deeply influences the political, economic and social conditions in Venezuela. In 1998, the former lieutenant colonel, Hugo Chávez, who had organized an unsuccessful coup in 1992, seized the power as president in the election with the claim of “radical reformation”. The result in 1998 presidential election terminated the nearly fifty-year long “pacted democracy” and create a unprecendented prospect on Venezuela’s history. To Chávez, the oil is not only the symbol of independence of national sovereignty, but also a useful geopolitical weapon in the field of international politics. Therefore, Chávez began his oil reformation: strengthen the state control to the oil industry, reorganize the national oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, PDVSA, and use the income to facilitate the social policy. Moreover, due to the reason of oil price surging in recent years, the abundant oil reserve and its’ enormous output value enable Chavez to expand his power base and also to put his intention of striking the influence of United State in both regional and international stage to practice. This study adopts K. J. Holsti’s four levels of analysis – individual, state, system and global, as the analytic framework to this research. In this study, the individual level is assumed as the core factor of the energy policy development under the Chávez regime. Chavez’s political ideas and how it influences Venezuela’s energy policy would be examined through the study of his leadership. Furthermore, taking important factors influencing energy policy in both domestic and international level into account, what policies output related to the above factors had Chavez made? Last but not the least, a discussion of global energy environment change in recent years would be made for explaining how it acts as the intermediary factors which influence the energy policy of Chávez regime.