<p>This study aims to illuminate central aspects of immigrant fathers' experience of fatherhood in Sweden, a subject that has been widely debated but has garnered scant scientific information. Three informants of Middle Eastern background were interviewed. Central aspects that surfaced during the interviews are family and the cultural/religious group as a basis for individual's lives. Thus the informants prioritize the survival of the family and group through boundary strategies, but these boundaries consists of several layers, some of which are flexible.</p> / <p>Syftet med denna studie är att belysa och beskriva centrala och relevanta aspekter av invandrarfäders upplevelser av sitt föräldraskap i Sverige. Detta vida omtalade ämne, har fått föga vetenskaplig uppmärksamhet, vilket denna studie ämnar ändra på. Tre informanter från Mellanöstern intervjuades för studiens syfte. Centrala teman som dyker upp är informanternas syn på familjen samt den kulturella och religiösa gruppen som väsentlig bas i individens liv. Därmed bör enligt informanterna familjens och gruppens fortskridande och överlevnad prioriteras och säkras genom olika former av gränsbevarande strategier. Dessa består av gränssättningar utåt men även inåt och mellan dessa två existerar ett område med möjligheter till förhandlingar och rörlighet.</p>

<p>The study is divided into three parts – the development of wage labour towards becoming the dominant norm in society, how this norm is challenged in a specific geographical context, and lastly a study of two unemployed individuals and their everyday activities, what and especially why certain behaviour occurs. The main purpose with the text is to study unemployed people in a specific geographical context in a overall society where wage labour is thought to be the norm. Questions that is being asked is how the unemployed individual works in a society where wage labour is the dominant activity for the day. This is connected to a study of Möllevången, a district of Malmö, where the wage labour norm can be thought of as being challenged. Employment and unemployment is categorised as part of the same activity, in a perspective they share the same functions, the demand for spending time in the system and they constitute, in principle, the only ways of earning a living, the wage or unemployment benefit, which both comes with similar demands towards the individual.</p>

<p>This essay will focus on drug addicts and their relations to the majority society in Sweden. The concepts of “subculture” and “stigmatization” applied to drug addicts are central in the analysis. The essay is based on interviews with two different groups of informants: one consisting of drug addicts and the other of non-addicts. The essay describes, analyses and interprets the informants’ ways of relating to society and the observed tendencies of being a part of a subculture as well as obejcts of stigmatization, both individual and structural.</p>

Ideas about "exercise" and "health" have varied over time and across cultures. With the recent Euro-American fitness trend, a growing number of Swedes now take part in some kind of physical activity at Gyms or Fitness Centers. By applying a phenomenological and constructivist approach, the aim of this ethnographic study is to examine the non-profit but also commercial culture of and around this form of exercise. The focus is on how meaning is created, transformed, embodied, and perceived by gym goers as truth, science, knowledge, or even myth. There are two central overlapping concerns in this thesis, both dealing with the interrelation between categories, and status positions. The first part of the thesis deals with the social aspects of movement, such as the definition and categorization of self and others as different types of gym-goers. Related to this are also what is termed critical norms of interpretation of aims and reasons for exercise, such as gaining strength or aesthetic improvement. The other central concern is more specifically focused on the body itself and deals with ideas about exercise, diet, substances, and physiology, that is, how to exercise and how the body works. "The body is made to move", was a common saying at Gyms and Centers, meaning that the human body is physically built to be active. But the techniques and practices of how this movement is performed vary and are sometimes even contradictory. Here sources in the distribution of ideas about the body and body movement are brought out: the Internet, informal and formal instructors in the Gym, as well as gym machines. The method has been participant observation and in-depth interviews with gym goers and instructors at Gyms and Fitness Centers in two middle size towns in Sweden mainly during a year in 2004-2005. Rather than taking sides in the debate on how to exercise, this thesis raises wider questions about the authority to define reality.

In 1991, women from Dubagunta, Nellore District in the state of Andhra Pradesh forced the liquor traders to leave the area. This incident is believed to have been the origin of the Anti-Liquor Movement, which finally led to alcoholic beverages being prohibited in the state. The main participants in the early struggle were unprivileged, rural low-caste women. They were supported by voluntary organisations and later by politicians from the opposition parties. The study presents an analysis of the process whereby the political and private endeavours of individuals were integrated into a broader social movement. It discusses discourses on gender and household relations in rural Andhra Pradesh and the involvement of urban activists as organisers, leaders and translators of the struggle. The attention is on how politicians, representatives of the state administration, and liquor traders either sided with the temperance movement or worked against it, and on the blurred boundary between 'friend' and 'foe'. It demonstrates how the media coverage and the gathering of participants in collective activities - such as demonstrations, meetings, sit-ins, and protest travelling - were vital for the formation of an 'imagined community' of protest. The Anti-Liquor Movement of Andhra Pradesh is shaped by global processes. The Indian economy opened up to global market forces in the 1980s and at the same time local activists became involved in transnational debates on feminism, Gandhianism, and Marxism. Even so, as the study reveals, the movement as such was mainly confined to Andhra Pradesh.

The study is divided into three parts – the development of wage labour towards becoming the dominant norm in society, how this norm is challenged in a specific geographical context, and lastly a study of two unemployed individuals and their everyday activities, what and especially why certain behaviour occurs. The main purpose with the text is to study unemployed people in a specific geographical context in a overall society where wage labour is thought to be the norm. Questions that is being asked is how the unemployed individual works in a society where wage labour is the dominant activity for the day. This is connected to a study of Möllevången, a district of Malmö, where the wage labour norm can be thought of as being challenged. Employment and unemployment is categorised as part of the same activity, in a perspective they share the same functions, the demand for spending time in the system and they constitute, in principle, the only ways of earning a living, the wage or unemployment benefit, which both comes with similar demands towards the individual.

I denna essä behandlas ämnet internationell adoption. Jag gör en hermeneutisk och holistisk undersökning av det internationella adoptionsfenomenet genom att ställa en dominerande diskurs i relation till en motdiskurs. På grund av ämnets omfattning kommer jag att ha Sverige som utgångspunkt för diskussionen. Det land varifrån den internationella adoptionen sker är i denna undersökning Sri Lanka. Med frågeställningen "Hur konstrueras en diskurs?" undersöks de aspekter den internationella adoptionsverksamheten är sammansatt av. Jag vill påvisa den internationella adoptionsverksamhetens hegemoniska/diskursiva status och belysa den vetenskapliga och rationella praxis den är i besittning av. Den internationella adoptionsdiskursen är en konstruktion som skapar en föreställning att Sri Lankas mödrar utlandsadopterar sina barn pga fattigdom. Rådande forskning om internationell adoption är mycket ensidig. Jag har därför försökt att ge en så kontextualiserad bild som möjligt.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur de roller som vi hör under sändningstid i radio är konstruerade och om det sker en förhandling om hur dessa roller upprätthålls under programmets tid. Uppsatsen ämnar reda ut vad som synliggörs när ett dramaturgisk perspektiv används under en observation på ett radioprogram. Finns det ett samspel inom redaktionen som vi som lyssnare inte ser? I denna uppsats vill jag försöka se om det finns några outtalade rangordningar inom gruppen och hur dessa kommer till uttryck. Vidare syftar studien till att titta på hur pass fria programledarna är i sina roller och försöka utreda om det är mer styrt än vad vi som lyssnare uppfattar. Går det att se en skiftning bland rollerna beroende på vilken gäst som kommer? Och hur yttrar sig denna? Fokus i studien kommer att ligga på hur de befintliga roller som vi som lyssnare hör uttrycker sig under musiktid, och detta kommer att analyseras med Erving Goffmans dramaturgiska modell för socialt handlande. Frågeställningar: Vilka roller finns det inom det observerade radioprogrammet? Hur yttrar sig rollerna under sändningstid? Förändras rollerna beroende om det är On air eller Off air och hur yttrar sig förändringen i så fall? Hur yttrar sig samspelet inom gruppen?

Med utgångspunkt i FN:s Millenniemål om att stärka kvinnors position och öka jämställdheten har jag undersökt hur detta kan appliceras på det svenska samhället. Denna uppsatsen handlar om fyra kvinnor på universitetet. Fokus ligger på dessa kvinnors syn på utbildning, stereotyper, val av partner och yrkeslivet, detta diskuteras sedan utifrån olika genus- och jämställdhetsteorier.

Les positions de recherche exposées sous ce titre sont une réponse à un doute épistémologique et à un embarras méthodologique. Le doute épistémologique est né des difficultés que, dans mes enseignements, j'ai parfois rencontrées pour définir l'anthropologie ; l'embarras méthodologique a été provoqué par le caractère faiblement opératoire - dans mes travaux sur la mémoire - de certains concepts hérités de la discipline, en particulier ceux qui relèvent du tropisme molaire des sciences humaines et sociales.<br /><br /> L'argumentation est développée en trois parties. La première partie du mémoire est consacrée, pour l'essentiel, à la présentation de ma posture épistémique. Revendiquer une telle posture suppose, au minimum, une théorie de la discipline. Je développe cette théorie dans cette première partie, en défendant l'idée que l'anthropologie générale a un objet qui lui est propre : le partage. Du même coup, je dissipe mon doute épistémologique. Je le fais en répondant à la question suivante : quelle est la raison d'être de l'anthropologie ? Je soutiens qu'elle a vocation à expliciter les circonstances au premier abord toujours mystérieuses qui font que le lien social se noue (ou se dénoue) entre des individus, permettant alors l'émergence d'une culture, d'une société ou, plus modestement, de tel ou tel phénomène culturel. Ce moment-là, c'est celui du partage.<br /> <br />Après la prise de position théorique qui est l'objet de toute la première partie, c'est à l'ontologie et à l'épistémologie de l'objet de l'anthropologie générale, à ce qu'il est et à ce qu'on peut en connaître, que sont consacrées les deux autres parties du mémoire. Dans la deuxième partie, intitulée Fictions du partage ?, je lève (partiellement) mon embarras méthodologique. En effet, en quatre chapitres, j'y précise la manière dont nous, anthropologues, travaillons sur notre objet : le partage. J'y décris à la fois la « fabrication » des concepts qui sont supposés en rendre compte (e.g., la « mémoire collective » , l' « identité culturelle », la « communauté », le « peuple », etc.) et leur utilisation dans le cadre d'une rhétorique du partage.<br /><br />Dans la troisième et dernière partie, intitulée Partage des fictions, j'essaie de repérer quelques unes des conditions objectives et subjectives du partage, en m'appuyant principalement sur les hypothèses relatives au degré de pertinence des rhétoriques holistes. Quelques unes seulement, car j'ai délibérément exclu de mon propos des phénomènes aussi importants que la possession d'une langue ou d'une histoire commune par les membres d'un groupe. A ces chemins bien balisés et largement parcourus, j'ai préféré un itinéraire plus risqué, plus hasardeux, celui qui consiste à explorer les modalités de la cognition partagée. Ce type d'exercice pose nombre de problèmes, dont la plupart restent irrésolus. Ils ouvrent néanmoins des perspectives de recherche en anthropologie cognitive que je me contente d'évoquer à la fin de cette troisième partie.