The last seven years have been a transformation point for graffiti and street art in Jordan. Due to the constant inequality that women face in Jordan, graffiti and street artists grabbed the first opportunity presented to them in order to address these issues, when the Baladk Street Art Festival took place in the capital of Jordan, Amman. They used this festival as an opportunity to spread awareness and tell stories related to inequality as well as claim their rights. Resistance from conservative groups in the society towards these murals resulted in more restrictions from the municipality about the content of them. However, artists did not back up and fought their way to keep their art on the city’s walls, but they had to work harder in order to disguise the messages they wished to send to the public. Social change was used as the main concept to follow in this thesis in order to arrive at a conclusion that shows the change that had taken place in Jordan due to graffiti and street art, especially social change regarding ideas and social movements as well as political processes. In order to get the people’s, the municipality’s and artists’ perspectives, qualitative methods were used such as interviews and a survey. Results showed that the municipality's position on the effects of graffiti and street on the society as well as the strict regulations are partially the same. In the meantime, interviews with artists and the survey showed the struggle the artists go through when painting and also the change in the people’s behavior that occurred in the last seven years, from the start of the project until now. The survey’s results showed that most of the people understood the exact meaning of the murals and some respondents interpreted the messages according to their experiences. Therefore, it was concluded that graffiti and street art can serve as a prospective tool to drive social change in the Jordanian society, yet not solitarily. Different aspects, such as people’s behavior, shifting norms as well as a change in laws and policies need to work hand in hand in order to achieve the desired change and cause a social and cultural evolution.

While a large body of social psychological literature is devoted to studying helping behavior between social groups, the study of gratitude as the most common reaction to help is virtually absent from the intergroup literature. However, gratitude has been a constant theme in the history of intergroup relations, particularly in the history of the systematic oppression of socially disadvantaged groups by socially advantaged groups. The “grateful slave” trope that justified the oppression of Black people in North America or modern narratives of “ungrateful” immigrants in Europe exemplify advantaged groups’ attempts to evoke gratitude among disadvantaged groups to secure their conformity and loyalty, or to receive recognition for apparent benefits they provide - even for equal rights. Not only do these examples question the undisputed positivity of gratitude, but they also suggest that disadvantaged groups’ gratitude expressions might be involved in the regulation of power relations between social groups. The present research introduces the empirical study of gratitude to intergroup relations. The specific aim of this dissertation was to examine how disadvantaged groups’ gratitude expressions in response to advantaged group help might function to promote social inequality. At the same time, the present work addresses gaps within previous research that studies how advantaged group help itself affects status relations. Based on a synthesis of the literature on gratitude and intergroup relations, across three manuscripts, it was examined whether disadvantaged groups’ gratitude expressions, alongside advantaged group help, affect intergroup power relations through a) influencing psychological pathways to social change, b) regulating group-specific needs, and c) enacting and transmitting paternalistic ideology. In Manuscript #1, the novel idea of a potentially harmful side of gratitude expressions for low power groups was tested. Using correlational, experimental, between- and within-subjects designs, the results from five studies showed across different contexts that when low-power group members expressed gratitude for a high-power group member’s help, they were less willing and less likely to protest against the high power group members’ previous transgression. Forgiveness and system justification mediated this pacifying effect, providing insights into the underlying psychological process. In Manuscript #2, results from two correlational studies demonstrate that ideological beliefs can guide advantaged groups to provide help that differs in its potential to bring about social change. Paternalistic beliefs parsimoniously distinguished whether members of the receiving society provide dependency- or autonomy-oriented help to refugees. Both groups indicated that autonomy-oriented help has a higher potential for social change than dependency-oriented help. Reflecting group-specific needs and convictions that underlie paternalism, receiving society members’ concern for a positive moral image of the ingroup was positively related to their willingness to provide dependency-oriented help, and beliefs about refugees’ competence were positively related to their willingness to provide autonomy-oriented help. In Manuscript #3, it was investigated why advantaged group members react negatively to refugee protests and demand more gratitude from the refugees. The results of two experiments showed that refugees’ protest decreased perceptions among receiving society members that they are socially valued, but expressions of gratitude from refugees increased perceptions of being socially valued. Refugees were perceived as more agentic when they protested, however, not when they expressed gratitude. Perceptions of social worth determined receiving society members’ attitudes toward refugees on other dimensions. In a third experiment, the underpinnings of gratitude demands were examined. The results of a third experiment showed that receiving society members, who endorsed paternalistic beliefs, labeled protesting refugees as ungrateful and demanded gratitude from them. In sum, besides theoretically and empirically advancing several areas of intergroup relations (e.g., intergroup helping, intergroup contact, intergroup reconciliation, and paternalism), the present research suggests that gratitude expressions, which occur in intergroup contexts that are characterized by social injustice, can have negative consequences for disadvantaged groups. Implications for theory and social change are discussed, and promising avenues for future research are suggested.

This thesis examines the rhetoric surrounding sex education crafted by two major types of advocacy groups: the Christian Right and the Liberal Left. I conducted a qualitative analysis of content on sex education produced by six high-profile organizations: The Heritage Foundation, Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, American Civil Liberties Union, the Guttmacher Institute, and Planned Parenthood. I found that these polarized organizations do not debate each other; instead, they focus on parents whose political leanings match their own. Sex education is at the center of other issues that also divide the Christian Right and the Liberal Left: healthcare, morality, marriage, education, and STIs. I analyze the arguments advocacy organizations make, the liabilities of their appeals, and their strategies to mobilize parents emotionally. Both conservative and liberal organizations aim to secure the beliefs of the next generation through their parents, not to find common ground.

While researchers have identified the Housing First model of putting homeless persons into permanent housing as the best means of improving the quality of life for chronically homeless individuals, few studies have examined the perceptions of shelter staff workers on the barriers the homeless face in obtaining and maintaining long-term housing. This case study of 2 homeless shelters in New Jersey examined the relationship that fair and just democratic processes play in supporting or undermining Housing First. Data came from New Jersey's annual Point in Time counts of the number of homeless individuals and families and the causes and service needs of the homeless. Government reports were also analyzed, as well as from semi-structured interviews and focus group interviews with a purposive sample of 14 homeless shelter staff workers. The polarities of democracy model as described by Benet helped identify whether democracy was being served rightly and justly within these homeless communities. Information was analyzed by inductive coding and by identifying themes and patterns that emerged from the interviews. The primary finding of this study was that lack of available housing, lack of resources to gain access to housing, and lack of knowledge of resources that are available for housing acquisition and maintenance plays a role in causing individuals to become and remain chronically homeless. Social change implications include policy recommendations to local, state, and federal legislators to increase accountability in the allocation of funding for housing support and the development of a volunteer case management force to meet the service needs of the chronically homeless.

D’une manière générale, les théories du développement ne constituent pas seulement des modèles explicatifs du changement social mais représentent avant tout des modèles théoriques fortement imprégnés d’idéologie justifiant les axes d’action des programmes politiques de développement. Dans un premier temps, les théories proposaient aux pays du « Sud » le rattrapage du retard ou le gommage de l’ordre historique de domination internationale comme solution à l’énigme du développement. Dans un second temps, à la fin des années 1970, elles constituaient le moyen de garantir une forte croissance économique pour les Etats aussi bien du « Nord » que du « Sud » par l’application des PAS. A partir des années 1990, un nouveau corpus de théories du développement propose une forme d’action politique se distinguant des ajustements structurels, le développement local. Celui-ci se décline en trois grands axes d’actions : - le retour du politique en tant qu’institution de régulation économique et sociale à travers les idées de gouvernance et de démocratie participative ;- l’optimisation de la croissance économique et des services sociaux par la régulation politique ;- le développement local en tant que niveau de production et de régulation du politique, du social et de l’économique.Ainsi, que cela soit à l’échelle des théories scientifiques ou des programmes politiques, ces trois axes constituent les conditions sine qua non du changement social. Mais le fait de suivre ces axes conduit-il au développement local ? C’est à cette question que nous nous sommes efforcé de répondre par la mise en perspective de pratiques de développement local au niveau d’une ville d’un pays dit « du Sud », Bamako au Mali, et au niveau d’une ville d’un pays dit « du Nord », Marseille en France. / Overall, development theories are not only explanatory models of social change but are primarily theoretical models strongly imbued with ideology justifying the action axes of program development policies. Initially, the theories proposed for the 'southern' countries to “take off” or to wipe the historical order of international dominance as a solution to the riddle of development. In a second step, in the late 1970s, they were the means of ensuring strong economic growth for “North” and “South” countries by the application of SAPs. From the 1990s, a new set of theories of development proposes a form of political action distinct from structural adjustment: local development. It comes in three main action axes:- the return of politics as an institution of economic and social regulation through the ideas of governance and participatory democracy ;- optimization of economic growth and social services by political regulation ;- local development as a production and a regulation level of the politic, the social and the economic.Thus, whether at the level of scientific theories or political agendas, these three axes are the prerequisites of social change. But must these prerequisites be followed to lead the Local Development? This is the question that we tried to address through the perspective of local development practices in a city of a “South” country, Bamako, Mali, and in a city of a “North” country, Marseille, France.

The focus of this thesis is on collaborative translation as a reflection of the contexts in which it takes place. I consider a wide range of contexts, including both historical and present day social change movements. Drawing on the principles that were outlined by scholars during the cultural turn in translation studies that took place during the 1980s and 90s, I examine cultural translation as something that can take place on many levels, from the translation of words and sentences to the translation of the values of a movement. As an example of the holistic approaches that are part of cultural translation, I look in-depth at Our Bodies, Ourselves, a feminist book that has been written and translated collaboratively by women all over the world. I then expand my survey of collaborative approaches to include the translation of literary and religious texts, including the translation of Don Quixote into Kichwa, as part of an indigenous movement, as well as historical and present day team translations of Buddhist sutras in the U.S. and China, and numerous collaborative Bible translations spanning centuries and continents. I also explore the relationship between amateur translators, collaborative approaches, and activism in social movements. Part of my aim is to bridge the gaps between translator training and translation theory, practice, and policy. In some cases, amateur translators are a manifestation of the values of a movement; in other cases they are a necessity due to limited financial resources, and activists take a variety of approaches to the problem of budgetary constraints. One approach is collaboration, which can make a translation project economically viable by dividing work amongst volunteers. Another solution is to form worker cooperatives. In addition, the use of technology can help to increase efficiency and save money. Translators in social change movements frequently solve problems and carry out their values by taking holistic approaches. From integrating modern technology and time-tested historical practices to drawing on translation traditions from a variety of cultures, collaborative translation projects demonstrate a wide range of ways in which the values of social change movements can be reflected in the translation process.

ABSTRACT This thesis presents case studies of five projects that use the visual arts to effect social change in post-apartheid South Africa. Artist Proof Studio, Paper Prayers, Phumani Paper, Community Engagement at the University of Johannesburg and the AIDS Action Intervention exemplify a range of approaches to social activism through the arts that parallels the political transformation to democracy. The first case study traces the history of the community printmaking studio, Artist Proof Studio, from 1991 to 2008 in three phases: redress, reconciliation and rebuilding. Artist Proof Studio was founded in 1992 to provide visual arts training to highly creative, but previously disadvantaged individuals. The Paper Prayers for AIDS Awareness initiative was implemented as a program of the studio in 1998. Originally funded by government, the campaign reached thousands of people nationwide. Phumani Paper, a national hand papermaking programme for job creation, was founded in response to a state directive to higher education institutions to implement technology transfer and poverty alleviation initiatives. The Papermaking Research and Development Unit was established at the University of Johannesburg in 1996. The principles and approaches established through these programs are analysed in the fifth case study, the AIDS Action Intervention. This three-year intervention brings all the initiatives together in a multi-disciplinary program that applies participatory action research as well as visual arts methodologies that help catalyse meaningful social action. There are common elements running through each of the case studies that derive from the fact that each intervention was based on the democratic values of human rights and equity. Further, the methodology throughout is dialogical, consultative, and designed to facilitate participants recognizing their own voices. The idea is that practice leads to understanding and stems from a fundamental ethical principle or ideal that all human beings have the capacity to realize their potential in their own way. The central argument of these case studies is that the projects continue to survive, against significant odds, because of the power of imagination, aspiration and dreaming. I interrogate the projects’ foundational premise that participants are empowered by the creative process, which promotes a sense of pride, and generates leadership as well as income. In addition, I argue that grass-roots visual arts projects, which ordinarily go un-analysed in any systematic way, can offer a model for transforming knowledge-creation through their non-hierarchical and participatory methodologies. In sum, this thesis documents and analyses eighteen years of arts activism; it assesses the actual outcomes of the interventions against the idealistic aims on which the projects were founded, and provides a resource guide for cultural activism in South Africa. It demonstrates the dynamic possibilities that exist in the domain of development and arts education.

The residential area of Rosengård in Malmö – Sweden, is one of the many areas included in the ‘million programme’, a program that in the 1960s focused on building a million new homes over ten years in Sweden, meant to provide cheap housing options for the rapidly growing population. Today, areas like Rosengård and the program are often associated with immigrant-dense segregated residential areas with high crime and socio-economic problems. It is also a scrutinized area where many investigations and studies have been conducted in different contexts. However, the focus usually lies on explanatory models examining topics about the area or the people. This research study builds upon a qualitative research method, semi-structured interviews, that shifts the focus on giving the group in question a platform, thus, listening to the residents' voices of Rosengård, their experiences, individual perceptions, and meaning-making. The research study aims to gain a broader understanding of Rosengård, the residents' involvement in social investment processes meant to solve the problems within the area, and the communication practices that different actors pursue. A combination of Hall’s (2013) work on representation, Spivak’s (1988) essay on the subaltern, and Said’s (1978) understanding of ‘othering’ will be used to analyze the themes of representation and its natural link to communication, while Tufte’s (2017) work on participatory communication will serve as the foundation for analyzing the (social) investment, - and communication practices in Rosengård. The thesis’ results show that the representation of Rosengård and its residents is primarily negative due to constructed and pre-existing stereotypes and frequent negative media coverage, contradicting the residents' perceptions of Rosengård. The results also show that the residents’ experiences of investments in the area are generally characterized by tokenistic participation and concerns about privatization and gentrification.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur kvinnans livssituation har förändrats i det svenska samhället sedan 1940-talet och om kvinnorna själva upplevt skillnader/förändringar kopplat till deras könsroll och position. Vi har valt att undersöka kvinnornas livssituation utifrån tre områden: karriär, privatliv och relationer. Studiens frågeställning var ”Hur ser kvinnor i Halmstad på de förändringar av könsrollerna som ägt rum sedan 1940-talet?” Resultatet har samlats in via åtta livsvärldsintervjuer tillhörande den kvalitativa metodologin med en induktiv förståelseansats samt ett fenomenologiskt förhållningssätt. För att analysera resultatet har Yvonne Hirdmans teori om genussystem samt George Herbert Meads socialisationsteori tillämpats. Studiens huvudsakliga resultat visar att kvinnor märkt att det har skett stora förändringar av könsrollerna sedan 1940-talet. De är positiva och tacksamma för den samhällsstrukturella utvecklingen. Vi kan utläsa att kvinnorna är fast i de mer traditionella könsrollerna vilket visar att könsrollerna är svårförändeliga. Kvinnorna uttrycker dessutom en positiv inställning till att unga kvinnor i dagens samhälle har bättre förutsättningar för att stäcka ut sin kvinnliga roll. / The aim of the study is to investigate how women's life situation has changed in the Swedish society since the 1940s and whether the women themselves have experienced differences/changes linked to their gender role and position. We have chosen to investigate the women's life situation based on three important areas: career, private life and relationships. The study's question was "How do women in Halmstad view the changes in gender roles that have taken place since the 1940s?" The results have been collected via eight life-world interviews belonging to the qualitative methodology with an inductive understanding approach and a phenomenological approach. To analyze the results, Yvonne Hirdman's theory of gender systems and George Herbert Mead's socialization theory have been applied. The main results of the study show that women have noticed that there have been major changes in gender roles since the 1940s. They are positive and grateful for the social structural development. We can deduce that the women are stuck in the more traditional gender roles, which shows that the gender roles are difficult to change. The women also express a positive attitude to the fact that young women in today's society have better conditions for expanding their female role.

Studies have shown that the rates of incarceration in the United States of America have skyrocketed over the course of the last several decades. Furthermore, the extremely high rate of incarceration in the United States has become a destructive force on children, families and entire communities and has disproportionately affected and targeted young men from low-income communities of color. Studies have also shown that mass incarceration is generally harmful to the health of the individuals that are imprisoned, the health of formerly incarcerated individuals, and harmful to the health of families and communities. The true cost of mass incarceration on society is estimated to be as high as over $1 trillion per year and studies indicates that more than half of those costs are ultimately levied upon families, children, and community members that are not incarcerated. This paper discusses policy reforms that have been implemented in recent years and that are currently being implemented to help mitigate the harmful impacts of mass incarceration, prevent recidivism, and reduce the population of incarcerated individuals. It also outlines higher education and positive development programs as effective strategies to further achieve these goals, lists current programs and interventions that have been effective, and discusses policies that would improve access to education for justice-involved populations as an effective tool to combat mass incarceration. / Urban Bioethics