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Thesis advisor: Alyssa Goldman / This study analyzes the narratives that emerged in the news media’s coverage of violent crimes against women during the #MeToo Movement. Additionally, it seeks to uncover if and how news media crime coverage differed based on the race of defendants. I conduct a content analysis of the news media coverage of the criminal cases State of Michigan v. Lawrence Gerard Nassar and Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. William Henry Cosby, Jr. during the #MeToo Movement. I find that news media coverage of violent crimes against women typically exhibits an inverse relationship in which supportive portrayals of victims predict unsupportive portrayals of defendants, and vice versa. I also find some evidence to suggest that Black male defendants receive more lenient news media coverage than white male defendants. The results of this study demonstrate the power of social movements in influencing criminal justice outcomes and the news media’s role in shaping public opinion on criminal cases. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.

Thesis "Activists on the Road to Zapatista Territory" gives a resonance of actual results of my research among activists in Chiapas and Germany with contemporary theories. Based in theories of globalization and social movement and in dialogue with fieldwork data, it elaborates proper analytical concepts. These concepts enable to study journeys of activists to the Zapatista territory in Mexican state of Chiapas. Thesis aims to follow concepts of neo- zapatistas networks, which emerged around indigenous Zapatists and spread all over the World. Middle-Class activists from Germany enter these networks while travelling to Chiapas. Thesis scrutinize the nature of six months' journeys of activists and especially focus on transformation of so-called Imaginative knowledge of the World to Experienced knowledge of the World in the context of exoticism, poverty and Zapatista resistence.

This diploma thesis entitled "Social Pro-choice movement in Ireland and Switzerland" aims to gain insight into Pro-choice organizations as a social movement in the Republic of Ireland and Switzerland. At first I tried to define what I actually mean by term "pro-choice". I also outlined some of the definitions of social movements and theories that deal with social movements and give an insight into their research. The next chapter is already devoted to the Ireland. Here I present a brief history of the republic, political system, economy, language, religion, and especially the history of the abortion law. In the next subsection about Pro-choice organizations I am writing about the creation and development of Pro-choice organizations in this country. And finally there is also the research part of this work, which is focusing on the frame analysis of the leaflets. The third chapter focuses on Switzerland. In this section are the same chapters focused on the history, politics, economics, language, religion, history, abortion law history, Pro- choice organizations history and the frame analysis. In the last chapter, I compared these two countries from the point of view of the frame analysis, their success and I could not ignore the political and cultural system. Key words: social movement, Pro-choice,...

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study assesses the role of service delivery protests (SDPs) in promoting access to services such as water, electricity, and housing in Gugulethu and Khayelitsha, Cape Town. The study was conceptualised within the context of escalating frequency and scale of SDPs in South Africa. Although the first decade of democracy saw a decline in protests, some groups and movements protested. However, since 2005, when SDPs took national prominence, South Africa has experienced soaring levels of dramatic protests. This frequency of SDPs invites research. Why have SDPs (e.g., for housing, water, and electricity) increased despite the government promising a ‘Better life for all’ for nearly three decades, and how have they unfolded?

La realización de esta investigación se enfoca en los factores que involucraron la creacion del colectivo de protesta social contra la violencia hacia la mujer denominado “Ni una menos” en el Peru, en el año 2016. Ademas, explora las Características y construcción del mensaje del movimiento social feminista Ni Una Menos Perú, 2016 vía Facebook. La realizacion de esta movilizacion de exito en el pais, tuvo influencia de las redes sociales. Este espacio virtual es decir, Facebook permitio la union de diversos usuaios a partir de un mismo tema y un mismo objetivo en el que se dio a conocer el movimiento social en las redes. Por lo tanto, se concluye esta union en las redes de los usuarios con la marcha que vizibilizaba la violencia de genero. / The realization of this research focuses on the factors that involved the creation of the collective of social protest against violence against women called “Not one less” in Peru, in 2016. In addition, it explores the Characteristics and construction of the message of the Feminist social movement Ni Una Menos Perú, 2016 via Facebook. The realization of this successful mobilization in the country had the influence of social networks. This virtual space, that is, Facebook allowed the union of various users based on the same theme and the same objective in which the social movement was made known on the networks. Therefore, this union in user networks is concluded with the march that made gender violence visible. / Trabajo de investigación

This study addresses the decolonial program of the French party Les Indigènes de la République (PIR). By means of contemporary concepts of Coloniality, Decoloniality and decolonial resistance as theoretical framework and a qualitative content analysis as method for this study thirty articles of PIR authors that have been published from 2016 to 2018 are analysed in regard to the party’s particular understanding of racial inequality in French society, its conception of a decolonial society and its’ strategy for systemic change. The study asserts, how the PIR identifies a continuity of colonial ideology in the form of white universalism and supremacy as the source of racism in contemporary France and how it envisages an alternative, decolonial society based on multiversalism, cultural multiplicity and the refusal of hegemonic attitudes of one identity group towards another. Although the PIR is open for decolonial alliances the analysis shows, that the party insists on a primary non-white identity of its decolonial movement. The research concludes, that practical steps have to be taken in order to reach the PIR’s objective of a decolonial society.

The denial of the access to abortion has been addressed as a human rights issue. This thesis is based on a MFS- study with the aim to investigate women’s experiences of power and resistance in the movement for legalization of abortion in Argentina. The material for this thesis has been gathered by conducting semi-structured interviews with Argentinian women advocating for the right to abortion. Embodiment theory, Butler’s performative theory on assembly and theories on resistance are used in order to elicit the body’s role in the experiences of power and resistance. It is concluded that the body is not only seen as an object of submission but also understood as a tool for resistance. Power is understood as exercised over women’s bodies. However, when developing collective consciousness on patriarchal norms and structures, women gain power and are able to decide over their own bodies.

Since gaining independence from Colombia in 1903, Panama has witnessed both elitist democratic governments and authoritarian populist governments. The oligarchic system in place throughout much of Panama's history was a significant hindrance to real democracy taking hold within the country. Democracy was further set back by the inordinate power exerted by the US presence on the isthmus throughout the twentieth century. Omar Torrijos's time as head of the Panamanian government from 1969 to 1981 exhibited populist, paternalistic and personalistic characteristics. His government marked an attempt to establish a form of government based on popular democracy. While a number of social programs were implemented and the social welfare of a greater percentage of the population was generally improved during the years Torrijos was in power, his military regime did not ultimately institutionalize a model for democratic participation. This study argues that some form of popular democracy should replace the status quo in Panama. This would allow for genuine representation of a greater number of the population and in turn broaden the base of decision-making, something that has not been fully accomplished under previous authoritarian or democratic forms of government. The Torrijos regime was the first and only government in Panama to have attempted this move toward popular democracy. As such it is seen as a useful case study in examining its contributions to the political landscape and the political culture that makes up contemporary Panama. Deductions are made from it for the political future of the country in terms of the democratization process.

The majority of sociological research on social movement tactics and strategies has focused on how theories of resource mobilization and dynamic political opportunities affect the innovation of tactics and types of tactics used. Relatively few studies have explored the roles of institutional, cultural, and political contexts in determining why social movement leaders choose certain tactics. This research study examines lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) social movement organizations (SMO) that are pursuing institutional advocacy. Specifically, it is a comparative case study of how tactics of LGBT organizations in Minnesota and Utah are affected by contested and conservative political landscapes, respectively. The concept of political landscapes was developed and includes three core components: the institutional structure of the political system, the sociocultural context, and dynamic political opportunities. Data was collected from 16 semi-structured interviews of LGBT SMO leaders. Secondary data was also collected by examining public records, newspapers, magazines, and organizational websites. The results from this study suggest that dynamic political opportunities are embedded in the larger institutional and sociocultural contexts. In Minnesota, the combination of a more open and competitive political system and a more diverse Christian presence and ethnically diverse urban areas have resulted in the use of tactics that are much more open and direct. Specifically, LGBT SMOs in Minnesota use tactics such as only endorsing candidates publicly, focusing on building a broad bipartisan base of sponsors for LGBT legislation, working with other SMOs to create large coalitions, using a frame that is all-encompassing of movement goals, and building a large, grassroots movement. By contrast, the closed and conservative political system and a dominant religion in Utah have resulted in more private, compromising, and behind-the-scenes tactics. LGBT SMOs in Utah tactics include using both public and private political endorsements, good-cop bad-cop organizations, delegate trainings, and frame alignment with the conservative culture.