abstract: Growers and the USDA showed increasing favor for agricultural chemicals over cultural and biological forms of pest control through the first half of the twentieth century. With the introduction of DDT and other synthetic chemicals to commercial markets in the post-World War II era, pesticides became entrenched as the primary form of pest control in the industrial agriculture production system. Despite accumulating evidence that some pesticides posed a threat to human and environmental health, growers and government exercised path-dependent behavior in the development and implementation of pest control strategies. As pests developed resistance to regimens of agricultural chemicals, growers applied pesticides with greater toxicity in higher volumes to their fields with little consideration for the unintended consequences of using the economic poisons. Consequently, pressure from non-governmental organizations proved a necessary predicate for pesticide reform. This dissertation uses a series of case studies to examine the role of non-governmental organizations, particularly environmental organizations and farmworker groups, in pesticide reform from 1962 to 2011. For nearly fifty years, these groups served as educators, communicating scientific and experiential information about the adverse effects of pesticides on human health and environment to the public, and built support for the amendment of pesticide policies and the alteration of pesticide use practices. Their efforts led to the passage of more stringent regulations to better protect farmworkers, the public, and the environment. Environmental organizations and farmworker groups also acted as watchdogs, monitoring the activity of regulatory agencies and bringing suit when necessary to ensure that they fulfilled their responsibilities to the public. This dissertation will build on previous scholarly work to show increasing collaboration between farmworker groups and environmental organizations. It argues that the organizations shared a common concern about the effects of pesticides on human health, which enabled bridge-builders within the disparate organizations to foster cooperative relationships. Bridge-building proved a mutually beneficial exercise. Variance in organizational strategies and the timing of different reform efforts limited, but did not eliminate, opportunities for collaboration. Coalitions formed when groups came together temporarily, and then drifted apart when a reform effort reached its terminus, leaving future collaboration still possible. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. History 2011

Orientador: Noêmia Ramos Vieira / Resumo: A pesquisa parte das elaborações teóricas da delimitação das fontes bibliográficas e a análise da Educação do Campo no campesinato no estado do Espírito Santo. A intenção é contribuir para o desenvolvimento da formação emancipadora dos indivíduos em sociedade. A dissertação tem como tema Educação, trabalho e emancipação humana: um estudo sobre a experiência pedagógica na Educação do Campo na região norte do Espírito Santo. O intuito é observar a concepção de ensino do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), para o desenvolvimento da lógica da emancipação humana, tendo o trabalho e a educação como processos de humanização dos seres humanos. Portanto, estudaremos como o processo de desenvolvimento na Educação do Campo se materializou no estado do Espírito Santo, considerando a dualidade entre a Educação do Campo e a educação burguesa do estado. Desse modo, pesquisamos como vários atores e o MST contribuíram para uma nova forma de ensino do campo, formando os sujeitos para vida e o trabalho. Nesse sentido, observamos quatro escolas da região norte do estado do Espírito Santo, a Escola Estadual do Ensino Fundamental XIII Setembro no município de São Mateus, Escola Família Agrícola (EFAJ) de Ensino Médio e a Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental das Series Finais EMEF Orélio Caliman, ambas no município de Jaguaré e a Escola Estadual do Ensino Fundamental Paulo Damião Tristão Purinha no município de Linhares. O objetivo foi analisar quais as relações entre as propostas... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre

This study analyzes the framing processes of the Indignados movement in Barcelona, as an exemplar of the latest wave of protests, and argues that it expresses a new ecological-economic way out of the crisis. It finds that the movement was not just a reaction to the economic crisis and austerity policies, but that it put forward a metapolitical critique of the social imaginary and (neo)liberal representative democracy. The diagnostic frames of the movement denunciate the subjugation of politics and justice to economics, and reject the logic of economism. The prognostic frames of the movement advance a vision of socio-ecological sustainability and of "real democracy", each articulated differently by a "pragmatist" and an "autonomist" faction within the movement. It argues that frames are overarching outer boundaries that accommodate different ideologies. Ideologies can nevertheless also be put into question by antagonizing frames. Furthermore, through the lens of the Indignados critique, the distinction between materialist and post-materialist values that characterizes the New Social Movement literature is criticised, as "real democracy" is connected to social and environmental justice as well as to a critique of economism and the "imperial mode of living".

The fossil fuel divestment movement is a directed-network campaign that strategically uses economic and ethical arguments to challenge the social license of the fossil fuel industry. Fossil fuel divestment campaigns have become an induction point for the youth climate movement in North America (Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Rowe et. al., 2016). The analytical and operational approaches to social change employed by the fossil fuel divestment movement are having a ripple effect on the political orientation of a new generation of activists and environmental leaders. This thesis explores concepts and practices of climate justice in the fossil fuel divestment movement on Canadian university campuses, as a flashpoint in the shifting terrain of environmentalism. The research uses qualitative methods to analyze three case study campaigns, as well as supplemental interviews from additional campaign members and national coordinating organizations like 350.org and the Canadian Youth Climate Coalition. This project contributes to a growing body of literature concerned with applied political theory (Rowe et. al., 2016; Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017) and the social impacts of fossil fuel divestment (Bratman et al, 2016; Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Mangat et al., 2018), providing new insight into the potential of divestment organizing to disrupt dominant narratives of mainstream environmentalism. Fossil fuel divestment organizers are articulating climate justice analysis that calls for transformative system change, including critiques of neoliberal capitalism that are predominantly grounded in climate justice approaches. / Graduate

This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.

Educar neste trabalho assume uma característica revolucionária. Educar está ligado à emancipação humana e à superação do capital. O educar necessário é para o não trabalho explorado, uma inserção subordinada ao capital na forma de emprego alienado. O educar nesta tese é para o trabalho que liberta e se apresenta como valor de uso capaz de criativamente libertar-se do valor de troca, do mercantil simples, ou seja, do trabalho como valor de troca. O trabalho e a educação para a reprodução da vida das desempregadas a que se refere este trabalho se apresentam como enfrentamentos às formas alienantes e subordinadas do capital e, ao mesmo tempo, como projetos de superação do mesmo. Fundamentamo-nos, principalmente, nos estudos de Marx, Oliveira, Gramsci, Engels, Iasi, Manacorda, Freire e Saviani. O trabalho é fundante do ser social e no conjunto de atividades intelectuais e manuais organizadas pela espécie. Para Marx (2010), os homens, para existirem, devem ser capazes de se reproduzir enquanto seres humanos. Uma forma específica desta reprodução é dada por uma peculiar relação dos seres humanos com a natureza através do trabalho. A categoria do trabalho emerge, desta forma, como categoria central do ser social. O conceito de educação esta baseado na definição da formação humana. A questão, portanto, que necessita ser examinada neste trabalho é em que consiste a formação humana de mulheres historicamente desempregadas e socialmente sobrantes nos meios de produção. Estamos aí diante de uma questão filosófica e de educação por excelência, ligada ao problema da possibilidade, do sentido, do valor e dos limites do trabalho. A metodologia da pesquisa-ação, cuja referência principal foi Fals Borda (2007, p. 103), permitiu que refletíssemos sobre “la justicia de las mayorías hoy ausentes, explotadas, ignoradas y sin voz lo cual llevaría a trabajos bastantes originales y, ante todo, útiles para la sociedad”. O método dialético permitiu reconstituir o movimento dos múltiplos determinantes que sintetizaram a possibilidade de alterações qualitativas em parte do contingente em questão. Concluímos basicamente que: a) a metodologia adotada nos possibilitou reflexões em torno da problemática mais próximas da realidade; b) as mulheres do MTD são sujeitos sociais mesmo que na condição de sobrantes, porque lutam e se organizam num Movimento Social por trabalho, educação e moradia; c) a educação necessária a estas mulheres precisa ir além, sendo necessário articular este processo à luta maior dos trabalhadores pela superação do capital. Defendemos, portanto, a tese de que a educação necessária é fundamentada no trabalho necessário socialmente útil, e não trabalho alienado, como valor de troca numa inserção subordinada ao capital. O educar, nesta tese, é para e no trabalho que liberta e se apresenta como valor de uso, capaz de criativamente construir processos de trabalho. Por fim, e não menos importante, esta tese pretende criar alternativas populares de transformação das estruturas sociais que tornam tal ‘vida’ exigente de ser sempre ‘melhorada’. Este fundamento teórico e político nem sempre se realizava na prática e transformava em ação social. / In this dissertation labor/work takes on a revolutionary characteristic, as it is connected to human emancipation and the overcoming of capital. The education that is necessary is education for non-exploited labor, labor that is not subordinated to capital in the form of alienated employment. In this dissertation education is for a labor that liberates and presents itself as use value capable of creatively freeing itself from labor as exchange value. The work and the education for the reproduction of life of the unemployed women to whom this dissertation refers are opposed to the alienating and subordinated forms of capital and are projects designed to overcome it. The dissertation is based mainly on studies by Marc, Oliveira, Gramsci, Engels, Iasi, Manacorda, Freire and Saviani. Labor is foundational for social beings in the ensemble of intellectual and manual activities organized by the human species. For Marx (2010), human beings, in order to exist, must be able to reproduce. A specific form of reproduction takes place through their peculiar relationship with nature through labor/work. Thus, labor emerges as a central category of social beings. The concept of education is based on the definition of the process of becoming fully human. Thus, the issue discussed by this dissertation is what this process means for women who are historically unemployed and socially excluded from the means of production. Thus, it faces a philosophical and educational question par excellence that is connected to the problem of possibility, meaning, value and the limits of work. The methodology of action research, whose main reference is Fals Borda (2007, p. 103), enables the author to reflect on “justice for the majorities who today are absent, exploited, ignored and voiceless, which would lead to works that are very original and mainly useful to society”. The dialectical method helped reconstruct the movement of the multiple determinants related to the possibility of qualitative changes in part of the women concerned. She basically concludes that (a) the methodology adopted facilitated reflections on the topic that were closer to reality; (b) the women of the Movement of Unemployed Workers are social subjects even if they are “left out”, since they struggle and organize in a social movement that pursues work, education and housing; (c) the education that is necessary for these women must “go beyond” in the sense of being articulated with wider struggle of workers for the overcoming of capital. Thus, she advances the thesis that the necessary education is based on the socially useful necessary work, rather than on alienated work, i.e. work as exchange value in subordination to capital. This means education for and in work that liberates and presents itself as use value capable of creatively constructing work processes. Last but not least, this dissertation intends to contribute to the creation of popular alternatives for the transformation of social structures that make such ‘life’ demand constant ‘improvement’. This theoretical and political foundation was not always realized in practice did not always become social action.

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as relações estabelecidas entre as formulações teóricas e práticas no campo do feminismo. Para tanto, consistem em objeto empírico deste trabalho o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC) e a organização não-governamental (ONG) Coletivo Feminino Plural, ambas com atuação no estado do Rio Grande do Sul e identificadas com o feminismo. A partir do conceito movimento social para tratar do feminismo – que passa a ser entendido enquanto rede que admite uma diversidade de atores e proposições-, as formulações teóricas das organizações foram abordadas segundo o conceito quadros interpretativos e as práticas, repertórios de ação, afim de que fossem reestruturados para posterior análise os elementos teóricos e práticos das mesmas. Tal argumentação foi acompanhada pelo resgate do desenvolvimento do feminismo no Brasil, em especial no Rio Grande do Sul, fazendo emergir o contexto no qual MMC e Coletivo Feminino Plural surgem. Análises intra-organizacionais e inter-organizacionais foram realizadas, optando-se, para isso, por uma pesquisa qualitativa relacional, na qual foram utilizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com as dirigentes e coordenadoras das organizações para apreender, principalmente, os repertórios de ação e análise de documentos para apreender os quadros interpretativos. / This research aims to analyze the relations established between theoretical formulations and practices in the field of feminism. For this purpose, consist of empirical object of this work the Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC) and the non-governmental organization (NGO) Coletivo Feminino Plural, both with operations in the state of Rio Grande do Sul and identified with feminism. From concept to treat social movement of feminism - which happens to be understood as a network that supports a diversity of actors and propositions-the theoretical formulations of organizations were approached according to the interpretative frames concept and practices, repertoires of action in order to that were restructured to further analysis the theoretical and practical elements of the same. That argument was accompanied by rescue of the development of feminism in Brazil, especially in Rio Grande do Sul, giving rise to the context in which MMC and Coletivo Feminino Plural arise. Analyzes intra-organizational and inter-organizational were performed, choosing to do so, by a relational qualitative research, in which semi-structured interviews with the managers and coordinators of organizations interviews were used to capture mainly the repertoires of action and analysis documents to seize interpretive frameworks.

Submitted by Livia Mello (liviacmello@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-10-05T19:18:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissCCC.pdf: 2452299 bytes, checksum: bc96444a2fc5cb8beb226846a187e2b8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:22:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissCCC.pdf: 2452299 bytes, checksum: bc96444a2fc5cb8beb226846a187e2b8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:22:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissCCC.pdf: 2452299 bytes, checksum: bc96444a2fc5cb8beb226846a187e2b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-20T19:22:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissCCC.pdf: 2452299 bytes, checksum: bc96444a2fc5cb8beb226846a187e2b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Among the political struggle strategies of the Black Social Movement, which has been characterized by their dynamism and elaboration of each historic moment, thedisputes in the brazilian juridical field can be pointed out, mainly those ones related to the construction of ananti-racism legislation, a set of rules which has a goal of the deconstructingracism, prejudice and social discrimination that cross the brazilian political and social institutions and the subjectivity of the subjects. In this way, according to Discourse Analysis, data analysis method used, and the reflections upon the methodological and theoretical approach of the subaltern studies, particularly the postcolonial studies, I seek to analyze in this reseach the process of construction of this anti-racism legislation/ anti-racial discrimination legislation/anti- discrimination legislation. The specific objectives of the research were, therefore, to analyse: a) which discourses were raised in the normative and juridical field about the racial and ethnic issue making possible the construction of anti-racism legislation from 1950 on; b) which events and debates, ocurred between 1940 and 1988, were outlining the three dimensions of the anti-racism legislation presentin the brazilian legal order, and, finally, c) the importance of Black Movement in this process. The disputes of the normative and juridical field to the construction of the anti- racism legislation and to the deconstruction (still unfinished) of the racial and ethnic relations in Brazil, underlined, on one hand, by an institucional racism and, on the other, by the myth of a racial democracy, represented, at the same time: the problem of brazilian law limits in relation to the racial and ethnic issue, ressignifying, therefore, the own notion of State and brazilian nation; and, a political process in which blacks, being political subjetcs/actors, became subjetcs of rigths, a denied status by brazilian law, during the colonization process and slavery, that marked our history until the 19th century, and still in dispute in the contemporary brazilian society. / Entre as estratégias de luta do movimento social negro, que ao longo do século XX, por meio de diversas mobilizações e ações, vem se caracterizando pelo dinamismo e elaboração, em cada momento histórico, de diferentes estratégias de combate ao racismo, ao preconceito racial e à discriminação racial, estacam-se as disputas no campo jurídico-normativo brasileiro para a construção de uma legislação antirracismo, ou seja, um conjunto de normas que tem como objetivo a desconstrução do racismo, do preconceito e da discriminação racial que atravessam as instituições políticas e sociais brasileiras e as subjetividades dos sujeitos. Assim, por meio das reflexões do referencial teórico-metodológico dos estudos subalternos, e, em especial, dos estudos pós-coloniais busco, nesta pesquisa, analisar o processo de construção dessa legislação antirracismo. Os objetivos específicos da pesquisa foram, portanto, analisar: a) quais discursos foram mobilizados no campo jurídico-normativo acerca da temática étnico-racial possibilitando a construção da legislação antirracismo, a partir de 1950; b) quais eventos e debates, ocorridos nos períodos de 1940 a 1988, foram delineando as três dimensões da legislação antirracismo presentes no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, e, por fim, c) a importância do movimento negro neste processo. As disputas do campo jurídico-normativo para a construção da legislação antirracismo e para desconstrução (ainda inacabada) das relações étnico-raciais brasileiras, marcadas, de um lado, por um racismo institucional, e de outro, pelo mito de uma democracia racial, representaram ao mesmo tempo: a problematização dos limites do direito brasileiro no que concerne a questão étnico-racial, ressignificando, portanto, a própria noção de Estado e de nação brasileira; e, um processo político em que os(as) negros(as), ao constituírem-se enquanto sujeitos políticos, tornaram-se sujeitos de direitos, status negado pelo direito brasileiro, ao longo do processo de colonização e escravidão, que marcaram nossa história até o século XIX, e ainda em disputa na sociedade brasileira contemporânea.

Submitted by HUBER ROBERTO SANTOS AVILES (huberaviles@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-27T22:08:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Huber R. Santos Aviles.pdf: 2065688 bytes, checksum: a0b3bb820480c4070ad1b9da16cf5104 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-28T14:51:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 aviles_hrs_me_ippri.pdf: 2065688 bytes, checksum: a0b3bb820480c4070ad1b9da16cf5104 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-28T14:51:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 aviles_hrs_me_ippri.pdf: 2065688 bytes, checksum: a0b3bb820480c4070ad1b9da16cf5104 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-23 / A pesquisa parte das elaborações teóricas da delimitação das fontes bibliográficas e a análise da Educação do Campo no campesinato no estado do Espírito Santo. A intenção é contribuir para o desenvolvimento da formação emancipadora dos indivíduos em sociedade. A dissertação tem como tema Educação, trabalho e emancipação humana: um estudo sobre a experiência pedagógica na Educação do Campo na região norte do Espírito Santo. O intuito é observar a concepção de ensino do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), para o desenvolvimento da lógica da emancipação humana, tendo o trabalho e a educação como processos de humanização dos seres humanos. Portanto, estudaremos como o processo de desenvolvimento na Educação do Campo se materializou no estado do Espírito Santo, considerando a dualidade entre a Educação do Campo e a educação burguesa do estado. Desse modo, pesquisamos como vários atores e o MST contribuíram para uma nova forma de ensino do campo, formando os sujeitos para vida e o trabalho. Nesse sentido, observamos quatro escolas da região norte do estado do Espírito Santo, a Escola Estadual do Ensino Fundamental XIII Setembro no município de São Mateus, Escola Família Agrícola (EFAJ) de Ensino Médio e a Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental das Series Finais EMEF Orélio Caliman, ambas no município de Jaguaré e a Escola Estadual do Ensino Fundamental Paulo Damião Tristão Purinha no município de Linhares. O objetivo foi analisar quais as relações entre as propostas educacionais das escolas do campo frente aos Projetos Político Pedagógicos das escolas, tendo em vista o desenvolvimento da formação humana no campesinato, e como o estado percebe essa organização pedagógica dos movimentos sociais. Enfim, analisamos os limites e possibilidades dessa experiência, construída por trabalhadores e trabalhadoras do campo, considerando a emergência de uma pedagogia concreta dos povos do campo no estado do Espirito Santo. / This work is inserted in the line of Education Research, Health and Culture of the Postraduate studies in Territorial Development in Latin America and the Caribbean program offered by the Universidade Estadual Paulista "Julio de Mesquita Filho" and the Institute for Public Policy and International Relations PPIR. The research starts from the theoretical elaborations of the delimitation of bibliographic sources and the analysis of the field of education in the peasantry in the state of Espirito Santo, the objective is to contribute to the development of emancipatory education of individuals in society. The dissertation has as theme Education, Work and Human Emancipation: a study of the educational experience in the field of education in the northern region of the state of Espírito Santo, which will observe the Movement of Landless Workers (MST) teaching concept for the development of the logic of human emancipation with work and education as processes for the humanization of human beings. Therefore, we will study the development process in the field of education materialized in the state of Espírito Santo among the duality between the rural education and traditional education in the state. Thus, we will investigate how various authors and the (MST) contributed to a new way of teaching in the rural areas, forming the subject to life and work, so four schools will be studied in the northern region of the state of Espírito Santo, the State School of Basic Education XIII de Setembro in São Mateus, Escola Família Agricola EFAJ High School and the county elementary school of the final series EMEF Orélio Caliman both in the Jaguaré county and the State School of Basic Education Paulo Damião Tristram Purinha in Linhares, this research aims to understand the relations between the educational proposals of schools in the rural areas to the Pedagogical Political Projects of schools for the development of human formation of the peasantry, and how the state accepts this educational organization of social movements. Nonetheless, we are going to analyze the limits and possibilities of this experience built by rural farm workers with a concrete pedagogy designed for them in the state of Espirito Santo.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:35:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NilvaniaSS.pdf: 876922 bytes, checksum: dc2d507c5eddfde648494e753dcd7a75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-15 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The acquiring process of morals on a person is one of the most important aspects of his Social Identity. The basis for his ethics and moral choices are built when he interacts with the world. A child that interacts with participants of Movimento Sem Terra (MST) movement that fights for the Land Reform and the transformation of the society may have the opportunities to acquire the culture, morals and ethics of this movement. Based on this understanding, this work intends to comprehend how children think and incorporate the rules that are the base of the values and principles of MST, considering the diversity of the situations, the limits and the possibilities to experience these values in their everyday life in the Movement. To understand how the process of cognitive construction of the rules takes place in a child, it is important to consider the theories of Jean Piaget. According to him, morals development follows a sequence: the anomie (0 to 2 years old), marked by the absence of rules; the heteronomy (2 to 6/7 years old), where takes place the adoption of rules due to exterior obedience, such as a relative, an institution or a movement; and the autonomy (from 6/7 years old on), in which rules are considered legitimate. All the children in this research have relatives working at MST. The research has two parts. We have first observed the behavior of three groups of children (beyond six years old) while they were involved on their normal activities (kindergarten) activities. On the second moment, we have interviewed 20 children (between 3 and 10 years old). We used flashcards containing scenes; we also told stories and asked moral questions involving the character s behavior. We have noticed the unilateral respect and extern coercion are between the definers of the moral decisions of a child. The empathy and the reduction of the egocentrism help seeing the situation of the point of view of other, although it doesn t mean that one is going to accept others point of view. In the taking decision of the child other factors are also considered such as the space of socialization (family, school). Though the children don t work or take part at MST activities, they have already opinions about involved people behaviors. The interaction with relatives and teachers is one of the most important aspects to encourage them elaborate moral understandings according to the ethics of this movement / O processo de forma??o moral de um indiv?duo ? um dos aspectos essenciais ? constru??o de sua Identidade Social. Interagindo com o seu meio, ele constr?i alicerces para a sua escolha moral e ?tica. Nesse sentido, uma crian?a que se relaciona com pessoas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) que luta pela Reforma Agr?ria e a transforma??o da sociedade pode ter oportunidades para adotar a cultura, a moral e a ?tica desse Movimento. Partindo disso, buscamos compreender como as crian?as pensam e incorporam as regras que fundamentam os valores e princ?pios do MST, considerando a diversidade das situa??es e os limites e possibilidades de se vivenciar os valores no cotidiano pedag?gico. Jean Piaget embasa o referencial te?rico que utilizamos para compreender como ocorre o processo de constru??o cognitiva das regras que permeiam o pensar de uma crian?a. Segundo esse autor, o desenvolvimento moral ? seq?encial, passando pelos seguintes estados de consci?ncia moral: a anomia (0 a 2 anos de idade), marcado pela aus?ncia de regras; a heteronomia (2 aos 6/7 anos), no qual a ado??o de regras se d? devido ? obedi?ncia a uma autoridade externa, como um familiar, uma institui??o, ou um Movimento; e a autonomia (a partir dos 6/7 anos), no qual a regra ? obedecida por reconhec?-la como leg?tima. De nossa pesquisa participaram crian?as que t?m v?nculo familiar com pessoas ligadas ao MST. A investiga??o se dividiu em duas partes. Na primeira etapa, observamos o comportamento de tr?s grupos de crian?as, enquanto realizavam atividades em suas respectivas Cirandas infantis espa?os educativos sistematizados pelo Movimento para a educa??o de suas crian?as menores de seis anos de idade. No segundo momento, entrevistamos vinte crian?as (entre tr?s e dez anos de idade). Utilizamos cart?es com cenas, contamos hist?rias e levantamos quest?es morais envolvendo as posturas dos personagens. Percebemos que o respeito unilateral e a coer??o externa est?o entre os definidores das decis?es morais de uma crian?a. A empatia e a redu??o do egocentrismo auxiliam a ver a situa??o do ponto de vista do outro, o que necessariamente n?o implica em se posicionar favoravelmente a ele. Na tomada de decis?o da crian?a tamb?m se consideram outros fatores, como o espa?o de socializa??o (fam?lia, escola). Mesmo que ela ainda n?o trabalhe nem seja do MST, j? apresenta opini?es acerca da postura de pessoas que vivenciam essas unidades de socializa??o. A intera??o com os familiares e educadores est?o entre os aspectos que contribuem para a formula??o de posicionamentos morais necess?rios para a ado??o de valores essenciais ? ?tica desse Movimento