Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho aborda o movimento social organizado pela comunidade quilombola de ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas, localizada no municÃpio de Salgueiro, sertÃo central de Pernambuco. Trata-se de um grupo de negros e negras cujas origens, segundo a tradiÃÃo local, remontam ao final do sÃculo XVIII/inÃcio do XIX, e tem como referÃncia central a aquisiÃÃo e posse daquelas terras por âseis crioulasâ. O foco dessa investigaÃÃo foram os sujeitos polÃticos daquela comunidade, no seu cotidiano, na formaÃÃo polÃtica e na atuaÃÃo dos mesmos dentro do movimento. Nesse sentido busquei analisar como ocorre a constituiÃÃo do sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola na luta por direitos na comunidade de ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas. Ademais, busquei compreender o processo de construÃÃo da identidade Ãtnica do grupo, as questÃes de gÃnero, o desenvolvimento das relaÃÃes socais, polÃticas e econÃmicas na comunidade e quais os principais direitos reclamados pelos quilombolas. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa de carÃter etnogrÃfico, cuja anÃlise do objeto proposto foi feita a partir de entrevistas semiestruturadas e abertas com lideranÃas polÃticas - novas e veteranas - da comunidade e das informaÃÃes obtidas com as pessoas idosas, atravÃs do mÃtodo da histÃria oral, acrescida da pesquisa documental. Utilizei-me, ainda, do aparato jurÃdico que a legislaÃÃo brasileira dispÃe sobre os direitos quilombolas e enfatizei a interpretaÃÃo que os sujeitos desses direitos fazem dos mesmos. A base teÃrica da pesquisa sÃo as categorias analÃticas: movimentos sociais, polÃtica, campos polÃticos, cultura, identidade e direitos. Tanto na observaÃÃo participante como nas narrativas dos entrevistados observei que a luta pela terra tem lugar principal entre as reivindicaÃÃes do movimento, bem como, o valor que atribuem à terra tem um significado especÃfico: lugar de histÃria, memÃria, preservaÃÃo de cultura e construÃÃo de identidade. A formaÃÃo das lideranÃas acontece na educaÃÃo escolar e dentro do prÃprio movimento, nos eventos, nas reivindicaÃÃes, na luta; ao mesmo tempo em que ocorre o aprendizado dos diretos. Os resultados da pesquisa concluem que o sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola se constitui nas aÃÃes polÃticas dos quilombolas ao defenderem seus direitos especÃficos, enquanto habitantes de uma comunidade de quilombo, e outros direitos de cidadania. / This research deals with the social movement organized by the quilombola community ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas, located in Salgueiro, a hinterland city in the state of Pernambuco. Itâs a group of black men and women whose origins, according to local tradition, come from the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th, and has as a mean reference the acquisition and possession of those land by six black women (crioulas). The focus of this investigation was the political individuals from that community, in their daily life, political formation and in the performance within the movement. Accordingly, I searched to analyze how the establishment of the collective subject of quilombola social movement fighting for rights in the ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas community. Beyond, I searched to understand the construction of ethnic identify of the group, the gender issues, the development of social, politic and economic relationships and what are the mean rights claimed by the people. It deals with qualitative study ethnographic, whose analysis of the proposed object came from semi-structured and open interviews with old and mew political leaders of this community and information obtained by older, through the oral history method, adding a documentary research. I used the legal apparatus that the Brazilian laws provide about the quilombolasâ rights and I highlighted the way that they interpret their rights. The theoritical grounding of the analytical categories: social movements, political, culture identify and rights. Both the observation and the narratives of the interviewees I realized that struggle for land has a mean place among the demands of the movement, as well as the value that they attribute to the land has a specific meaning: a historic place, memories, preservation of culture and construction of a identify. The formation of the leaderships happens by instruction and within the movement, at events, claims, struggle, at the same time occurs the learning of the their rights. The conclusion of this search is that the collective subject of this quilombola social movement is established in political actions by quilombolas (black men and women) are defending their specific rights, while live in a quilombo community, and others citizenship rights

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ana Carolina de Oliveira Marques - 2017.pdf: 3763323 bytes, checksum: 49713cfd27b32c941d17d0bfc9a72397 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The housing synthesizes a set of oppressions and appropriations constituents of the planned daily life that ensures the existence of a "bureaucratic society of directed consumption" (LEFEBVRE, 1991). Made of technical artifacts connected to the market, such as cement, brick, household items, passing through the mass culture that tends to infiltrate it’s visible or invisible pores, but open to a new mobility of symbols, of relationships that tend to strengthen the ties of solidarity, of sharing, in a kind of tension between the intimate and the world, between the fulfillment of daily living and friction with the global social structures of a mode of accumulation, housing forges itself in open tension and fertile, which we call existential cartographies. Based on concrete social experiences in the Canudos settlements (Palmeiras de Goiás - GO), the tensions that assaulted these territories, and the social movements in contemporary times, as well as the possibilities and gaps of this modern housing project were mapped. The political dimension of housing, which makes this act an instance of composition of the subject and of social action, the thesis defended in this work, demands a close look of the subjects and social movements to this space practice whose constraints and implications extrapolate the physical limits of the building: Living is a political and existential project. In living the subject composes relationships, makes choices, expresses worldviews, builds and fulfill not only the architectural object, but systems of references and values as well. Studies from different fields of knowledge besides Geography, such as architecture (ROLNIK, 2015), psychoanalysis (GUATTARI & ROLNIK, 1996) and anthropology (BRANDÃO, 2009) contributed to the composition of this work. In the face of widespread malaise, announced by educators, psychologists, psychoanalysts, anthropologists, sociologists among other social scientists, it is questionable: is it possible in this society to build good domestic relations? Field trips to the Canudos settlement, interviews with intellectuals, settlers and leaders of social movements, preparation of cartographic material, readings, debates, various expositions of the partial results (lectures, workshops, presentation of work in event) of the reflections launched in this work were procedures adopted to unveil the political dimension of housing and the limits and challenges posed to social movements in contemporary times. / A moradia sintetiza um conjunto de opressões e apropriações constituintes do cotidiano planificado que garante a existência de uma “sociedade burocrática de consumo dirigido” (LEFEBVRE, 1991). Feita de artefatos técnicos com ligação ao mercado, desde o cimento, o tijolo, os utensílios domésticos, passando inclusive pela cultura de massa que tende a infiltrar nos seus poros visíveis ou invisíveis, mas aberta a uma mobilidade nova de símbolos, de relações que tendem a estreitar laços de solidariedade, de compartilhamento, numa espécie de tensão entre o íntimo e o mundo, entre a concretização do viver diário e os atritos com as estruturas sociais globais de um modo de acumulação, a moradia forja-se na tensão aberta e fecunda, a qual chamamos cartografias existenciais. A partir de experiências sociais concretas dispostas nas moradias no Assentamento Canudos (Palmeiras de Goiás - GO), cartografou-se as tensões que assaltam tais territórios, e os movimentos sociais, na contemporaneidade, assim como as possibilidades e lacunas desse projeto de morar moderno. A dimensão política do morar, que faz deste ato uma instância de composição do sujeito e da ação social, tese defendida neste trabalho, reclama um olhar atento dos sujeitos e movimentos sociais a esta prática espacial cujos condicionantes e implicações extrapolam os limites físicos do edifício: morar é um projeto político e existencial. No morar o sujeito compõe relações, realiza escolhas, expressa concepções de mundo, edifica e preenche não só o objeto arquitetônico, mas sistemas de referências e valores. Estudos em diferentes campos do conhecimento além da Geografia, a exemplo da arquitetura (ROLNIK, 2015), da psicanálise (GUATTARI & ROLNIK, 1996) e da antropologia (BRANDÃO, 2009), contribuíram à composição deste trabalho. Diante de um mal-estar generalizado, anunciado por educadores, psicólogos, psicanalistas, antropólogos, sociólogos entre outros cientistas sociais, interroga-se: é possível, nessa sociedade, construir boas relações domésticas? Idas ao Assentamento Canudos, entrevistas com intelectuais, assentados e lideranças de movimentos sociais, elaboração de material cartográfico, leituras, debates, exposições variadas dos resultados parciais – palestras, oficina, apresentação de trabalho em evento − das reflexões lançadas no trabalho foram procedimentos adotados para desvelar a dimensão política do morar, e os limites e desafios postos aos movimentos sociais na contemporaneidade.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender os conflitos no interior das práticas sociais e estratégias de luta nos processos de formação e de organização em assentamentos rurais, e seus desdobramentos entre trabalhadores assentados, lideranças e representantes no assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, no município de Porto Feliz (São Paulo), de 1986 até 2006. Na construção da pesquisa buscamos entender o assentamento como espaço social que pode ser expresso nas relações de tensões e conflitos que podem ser desvendadas nas práticas sociais, nas estratégias de luta, impregnadas de simbologias (re)encontros de culturas, espaço de representação e legitimação dos sujeitos sociais. Definimos como área de estudo o Assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, localizado em Porto Feliz/SP, pertencente à Companhia Agrícola, Imobiliária e Colonizadora (CAIC). Optamos pelas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e análises documentais que nos permitiram compreender as várias facetas do conflito. As análises revelam-nos que o conflito no interior das práticas sociais e das estratégias de luta proporciona a incorporação de mecanismos que possibilitam questionamentos de valores seculares (clientelismo, paternalismo), além de instrumentalizar os camponeses com outros conteúdos democráticos que são estruturadores de identidades coletivas. Concluímos que, as práticas e estratégias como: reuniões, assembléias, passeatas, associações, cooperativas e outras redimensionam o universo simbólico, cultural, político e econômico dos assentados e questionam a vida pregressa dos mesmos. / This work intends to understand the conflicts inside in the social practices and the ways of strategies to improve the development process and the organization in the rurals settlements, and his development between settlements laborers, leaders and representatives in settlements from Jupira farm, in Porto Feliz city (São Paulo State), in the period from 1986 until 2006. In the construction of the research we looked for to understand the settlements as social space that it can be expressed in the relationships with tensions, conflicts and they can be unmasked in the social practices, in the ways of strategies, impregnated with symbolic themes, meetings of cultures space of representation and legitimation of social subjects. We defined as study area Jupira Farm Establishment, located in Porto Feliz city (SP), belonging to the Agricultural Company, Real estate and Settler (CAIC). We opted for the semi-structured interviews and documental analyses that we allowed to understand us many facets of conflict. The analyses show us that the conflict inside the social practices and the ways of strategies provides the incorporation of mechanisms that make possible request of secular values (customers, fatherhood), besides it, give tools to the farmer workers with other democratic subjects that are structures of collective identities. We concluded that the practices and strategies like: meetings, assemblies, marches, associations, cooperatives and others, re-structure the symbolic universe, cultural, political and economical of those settlements and they ask about their lifetime before.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:44:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emerso_Cristani_da_Cunha.pdf: 3767553 bytes, checksum: abed39527f86d651f2e0eacd24d98a72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-05 / We live in a period of constant global transformations that require an apparatus of resources, natural and human, intense. These changes directly impact sometimes in groups, people, or just somehow causing disorders, from simple to more complex. The construction of a hydroelectric plant causes changes in geographic, economic and social aspects of the region where it occurs. Salto Caxias was no different. Several families were evacuated from their homes, taking with it, to seek other paths in new lands. These people organized themselves and formed a social movement, krabi, which became an important coping tool and got many achievements for those involved. These achievements were the land, infrastructure, political learning and mutual aid. Losses were ties of friendship and kinship, connection to the land where they lived, conventional agricultural practices, and broken relationships with local businesses. Therefore, there were gains and losses since the process is adversarial / Vivemos em um período de constantes transformações mundiais que requerem um aparato de recursos, naturais e humanos, intensos. Essas transformações as vezes impactam diretamente em grupos, povos, ou seja, acabam de alguma forma provocando transtornos, desde os mais simples aos mais complexos. A construção de uma usina hidrelétrica provoca mudanças no aspecto geográfico, econômico e social da região onde ocorre. Em Salto Caxias não foi diferente. Várias famílias foram retiradas de suas casas, tendo com isso, que buscar outros caminhos em novas terras. Essas pessoas organizaram-se e formaram um movimento social, a Crabi, que se tornou uma importante ferramenta de enfrentamento e conseguiu muitas conquistas para os envolvidos. Essas conquistas foram a terra, infraestrutura, o aprendizado político e a ajuda mútua. As perdas foram laços de amizades e parentesco, ligação com a terra onde moravam, práticas agrícolas convencionais e rompimento de relações com o comércio local. Portanto, houve conquistas e perdas, pois o processo é contraditório

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T19:07:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao ANDREA Legnani2.pdf: 2585809 bytes, checksum: 500ce584859410915ccdc912e835df8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-24 / This study addresses the theme on the Latin America integration from the Latin American School of Agroecology (ELAA) perspective. It deals with a central category of study the Integration of Latin America and Social Movements in order to understand and analyze the design of Latin American integration in the educational practices of ELAA. The debates on Latin America integration are focused on economic aspects; the study is aimed at presenting an idea of what would be the economic integration, as it is important to present a concept based on the integration of people. The first chapter, "Integration of Latin America: Concepts, History, Treaties and Agreements", establishes a theoretical plan that provides an understanding of the subject matter, making a historical review of the Latin America idea, as well as the idea of its integration, raising the debate on integration versus fragmentation, thus seeking to provide a summary of the main integrationist projects implemented in Latin America since 1960. In the second chapter, "The Social Movements Category and the Integration of Latin America", our goal is to work the Social Movements category by introducing a concept seen as a Social Movement, bringing a little of the trajectory of social movements in Latin America, describing and analyzing Latin American integration, specially under through the prism of MST (Landless Workers' Movement), correlated to their educational principles. The third chapter, "The Conception of the Latin America Integration from the Latin American School of Agroecology (ELAA) perspective", presents ELAA and its dynamics, connected to the description, understanding and analysis of the concept of Latin America integration from the School perspective, and seeking to apprehend, in their educational practices, how such theme works. The concept of Latin America integration to ELAA in their educational practices is the integration between the peoples, provided by the exchange of knowledge and experiences, with preservation of cultures and the sovereignty of countries, as education plays a key role in contributing to such integration. / O presente estudo aborda a temática da integração da América Latina na perspectiva da Escola Latino-Americana de Agroecologia (ELAA). Trabalha, como categorias centrais de estudo, a Integração da América Latina e os Movimentos Sociais, com o objetivo de compreender e analisar a concepção de integração latino-americana presente nas práticas educativas da ELAA. Os debates sobre integração da América Latina estão focados no âmbito econômico; este estudo procura dar uma ideia do que seria a integração econômica, pois é central apresentar uma concepção a partir da integração dos povos. O primeiro capítulo, Integração da América Latina: Conceito, História, Acordos e Tratados estabelece um plano teórico que propicia um entendimento do objeto de estudo, fazendo um resgate histórico da ideia de América Latina, bem como da ideia de sua integração, levantando o debate em torno da integração versus fragmentação, procurando apresentar uma síntese dos principais projetos integracionistas implantados na América Latina desde a década de 1960 até os dias atuais. No segundo capítulo, A Categoria Movimentos Sociais e a Integração da América Latina , o objetivo é trabalhar a categoria Movimentos Sociais, apresentando um conceito do que se entende aqui por Movimento Social, trazendo um pouco da trajetória dos movimentos sociais na América Latina, descrevendo e analisando a integração latino-americana, principalmente sob o prisma do MST, correlacionado a seus princípios educativos. O terceiro capítulo, A Concepção de Integração da América Latina sob a Perspectiva da Escola Latino Americana de Agroecologia (ELAA) , apresenta a ELAA e sua dinâmica, vinculando à descrição, à compreensão e análise da concepção de integração da América Latina na perspectiva da Escola, buscando apreender, em suas práticas educativas, como é trabalhada esta temática. A concepção de integração da América Latina para a ELAA, presente em suas práticas educativas, é de uma integração entre os povos proporcionada pelo intercâmbio de conhecimentos e experiências, com preservação das culturas e soberania dos países, tendo a educação um papel fundamental de contribuição para essa integração.

Esta tese retrata uma trajetória: parte da análise da apropriação da natureza e do conhecimento na pesca, analisa o território enquanto instrumento de gestão nas pescarias e as propostas do movimento social dos pescadores. Busca apreender as proposições surgidas no interior da categoria dos pequenos produtores pesqueiros para a gestão das pescarias e o papel que os chamados produtores pesqueiros artesanais possuem como agentes de um novo modelo para o setor pesqueiro. Formatar este modelo deve levar em consideração três elementos fundamentais : o conhecimento que pescadores possuem sobre a natureza, o território enquanto instrumento de gestão e a politização do movimento de pescadores. Este trabalho se estrutura em cinco momentos. Inicia-se com uma breve caracterização da pesquisa e das questões propostas pela Geografia que serão utilizadas no encadeamento deste trabalho. O segundo momento analisa o setor pesqueiro em sua evolução recente e a caracterização da crise que permeia a atividade pesqueira. O terceiro momento analisa a formação do pescador e o conhecimento produzido na relação com os elementos naturais, formando um campo de conhecimento fundamental para um modelo de gestão que leve em conta a especificidade da relação sociedade e natureza no setor pesqueiro. O quarto momento analisa a questão territorial nas pescarias. Comporta escalas variadas e fundamenta-se em algumas propostas de gestão de pescarias baseadas no território. O quinto momento retrata os pescadores em seu movimento social. Movimento em seu sentido amplo, formal ou informal, concreto, de idéias, na busca de afirmar seu papel enquanto sujeitos sociais e políticos. Traçado este percurso, o trabalho aponta para princípios de gestão das pescarias, como possíveis caminhos para a reprodução do setor. / The present thesis reflects a trajectory: it starts with the analysis of the tenure of nature and the experience with fishing, analyses the territory as a management tool in fishing and ends with proposals from the fishermen's social movement. It aims at understanding the proposals arising from the category of small scale fishermen for the management of fishing activities and the role that the so-called artisanal fishing has as an agent of a new model for the fishing sector. Formatting this model should take into consideration three fundamental elements: the knowledge that fishermen have of nature, the territory as a management tool and the politicization of the fishermen’s social movement. This study comprises five moments. In the first moment there is a brief characterization of the research and the questions put forward by Geography, which will be carried out in the making of this research. In the second moment it analyses the fishing sector in its recent developments and the characterization of the crisis which permeates the fishing activity. In the third moment it analyses the formation of fishermen and their knowledge arising from their relation with natural elements, thus building a fundamental basis for a management model which bears in mind the specificity of the relation between society and nature in that sector In the fourth moment it analyses the issue of territory in fishing activities, which involves various steps and is based on some proposals for fishing management with territory control. In the fifth moment it portrays fishermen in their social movements – movement here understood in its wider sense, either formal or informal, either concrete or based on ideas - aiming at asserting their role as social and political subjects. As this trajectory is over, this research points at fishing management principles as possible ways for the continuity of the activities in the sector.

This thesis seeks to understand how collective identity is formed in the comment section on Twitter. A comparison between the Nordic Resistance Movement (Nordiska Motståndsrörelsen) and Human Rights Campaign has been made with social antagonism as a starting point. The Nordic Resistance Movement is a Swedish organization with Nazi values and Human Rights Campaign is an American organization fighting for equal rights for LGBTQ-people. social antagonism states that collective identity is created when an antagonistic relationship exists. The thesis aims to answer the research question; how are collective identities, for the Nordic Resistance Movement and Human Rights Campaign, created in the comment section on Twitter? This question is answered using Social antagonism theory and Social Movement Theory as a theoretical framework. 1000 comments from each groups comment section has been collected and analysed with thematic content analysis. The study showed that collective identity is strengthened by the fact that there is an antagonistic relationship. We found that the collective identity of each group fought back whenever someone made a negative comment towards their beliefs. It also showed that the collective identity, of the followers and members in the comment section, doesn’t necessarily correlate with the identity of the organization. This study will help further the research on collective identity and how people are affected when joining a movement. It will hopefully inspire further research within social antagonism, collective identity and social movements.

This thesis stands result of a research conducted in Entebbe Uganda, during approximately five weeks in the autumn of 2009. The aim was to understand the reasoning behind decisions taken concerning the use of economic means, after covering the consumption of necessities. The options set were either to increase the level of conspicuous consumption or enhance the level of investments or consumption of necessities. The point of departure and ontological approach is taken from a household member i.e. individual level. The analytical framework applied elaborating the empirical material collected was Bourdieu’s conceptualisation of habitus. Enhancing the understanding of habitus concepts e.g. needs, methods introduced by Lull was utilised. The primary data consisted of assembled interviews and direct observations. The secondary data consists of qualitative literature.   The results display an individual vision of vertical or transversal social movement. Identified incentives were inter alia peer pressure and competition. Conspicuous consumption is viewed as a process decreasing the distance from an individual social movement i.e. changes habitus. Methods realising a status increase of social position and status, is of symbolic items possessed through conspicuous consumption in combination with social capital, economic capital and level of knowledge.

The once flourishing small-scale poultry industry in Ghana has over the past two decades undergone a severe deterioration as a result of fortunes that has diverted the industry from near self-sufficiency in the early 1990s to a net importer of poultry products. Since the later part of 1990s the Ghana market has followed a steep and uncontrolled influx of cheap poultry meat from subsidized poultry producers from advanced countries (Osei, unpublished) including USA and EU, not to mention countries such as Brazil and Canada. A multiplicity of factors have accounted for the decline and mortalities of the domestic poultry industry. These include unfair competition from subsidized poultry producers from advanced countries, unfavourable and indifferent government policy direction, escalating costs of production, inefficient methods of production, lack of funds and credit, inadequate knowledge in poultry management, socio-cultural factors, lack of information needs on the part of small-scale poultry farmers, inadequate access to market, lack of processing facilities, and high rates of perishability. Therefore, the present study examines the factors that affect the growth of the small agribusiness in Ghana, focusing mainly on the small-scale poultry industry. The purpose of the study is to provide guidelines and recommendations for improving poultry farming at the level of small-scale poultry farmers in Ghana through the organized social movement (new generation cooperative movement). The study further seeks to solicit government interventions through political arguments so as to sustain and strengthen the failing small-scale poultry industry in Ghana. The purpose of the organized social movement is to bundle competencies and resources that are more valuable in joint effort than when kept separate by the small-scale poultry farmers in racing against competitors who are driving them out of business. This is due to an on-going severe competition as a result of unprotected market and political bias of trade liberalization, structural adjustment policies and deregulations on the part of the government. A sample of 120 poultry farmers was selected by a stratified random sampling approach. This was followed by 75 stakeholders through a snowball approach and data was collected by using a semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study shows that the organized social movement (SM) of small-scale poultry farmers, provision of government subsidies, placing a ban or increase tariffs on imports of poultry meat, access to cheap loans, provision of infrastructure, access to incentives and awards, training and education of poultry farmers, advertising campaign, and dissemination of information, had positive and significant impact on the competitiveness and growth of the small-scale poultry industry.

Alors que la Colombie traverse une période de violence intense au début des années 1990, une forme de média en apparence nouvelle se diffuse dans tout le territoire et est légalisée par l’Etat: celle des radios communautaires. Associées à de multiples fonctions, elles sont censées être politiquement neutres, donner la voix aux sans voix, pacifier, reconstruire le tissu social déchiré… Comment expliquer la diffusion et l'institutionnalisation d'un média marginal dans un contexte aussi difficile ? A partir d'une démarche généalogique et comparative sur cinq régions colombiennes, cette thèse montre que la radio communautaire peut être comprise comme une forme d’action collective dont les origines remontent à la fin des années 1940. Retracer l’histoire de la catégorie met en évidence l’existence de groupes militants aux intérêts multiples qui luttent pour la « cause des médias ». Loin de l’image du média petit, pur et isolé, les radios communautaires se sont développées dans un espace médiactiviste multisectoriel, à l’intersection de plusieurs sphères d’activité. Si les radios communautaires ont été légalisées en Colombie, c’est parce que ces militants multi-positionnés, acteurs intermédiaires entre ces sphères, cadrent l’objet en des termes compatibles avec l’action de l’Etat. Le média est alors redéfini et donne lieu à des appropriations diversifiées sur les territoires, en fonction des configurations d’acteurs à différentes échelles. Loin de leur image « apolitique », les radios communautaires peuvent être comprises comme des lieux de renégociation des frontières de la « communauté imaginée » dans un pays habituellement décrit comme un territoire fragmenté. / While Colombia was experiencing a period of intense violence at the beginning of the 1990s, an apparently new media form, the community radio, spread throughout the entire territory, and was legalized by the state. Designated with multiple functionalities, community radios are constructed as politically neutral, giving voice to those who are marginalised, pacifying, and rebuilding broken social tissues... How can we explain the diffusion and institutionalization of what is considered a marginal media in such a hard context? Through a genealogic and comparative analysis of five Colombian regions, this thesis shows that the community radio can be understood as a collective means of action whose origins can be tracked to the late 1940s. An analysis of the history of the category draws attention to the existence of militant groups with multiples interests who fight for « the media cause ». Far from the image of what is considered a small media, pure and isolated, community radios were developed in a “mediactivized” multisectorial space, at the crossroads of several spheres of activity. That the Ccommunity radios were legalized in Colombia , is because its multi-positioned militants, acting as intermediaries between different spheres, adapted them on compatible terms with the state activities. The media wasis then redefined and give accorded a place withto in a diversified appropriation of the territories, according to actors at different geographical scales. Far from their « apolitical » figure, the community radios can be understood as a place site of renegotiation of the frontiers of the « imagined community » in a country usually described as a fragmented territory.