This dissertation aims to comprehend the process of formation and acting of religious preachers who got engaged in social movement in the end of 1970 decade and the beginning of the 1980, in Rio Grande do Sul RS/BRAZIL. In spite of Brazil was within a dictatorial regime, and in this period there were no workers trade neither politics parties that were allowed to act or to express the folk classes interest; because of it other civil organization had to play this role, some of them were ready to organization had to play this role. However, the progressive sectors to be allowed to be active in the Catholic Church this institution was supposed to change, and see the real world; because only in this way the Church could be sensitive about the social problems. Nevertheless, a religion needs to keep a continuity meaning, even in changing times, in this way, the dissertation discuss the transformations occurred with the Catholic Church in the 20th Century, mainly with the liberation theology. The Centro de Orientação Missionária s role was analyzed referring to the theoretical formation of leaders and the organization of social movement. Trying to comprehend the formation s role in poor communities, staring to the pioneers Franciscans in Lomba do Pinheiro, it is located in the suburbs of Porto Alegre; also the participation of religious people in the landless workers movement MST ( Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra) organization in Rio Grande do Sul was analyzed as a practical period of formation to these religious preachers that are going to influence their participation in the social movement, presupposing that these three cases complete themselves, theoretical formation, inserted and practice. In order to develop this search, interviews with religious people, pastoral people and other preachers that were involved directly with this Movimentos were used. / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo compreender os processos de formação e atuação de mediadores religiosos que se engajaram em Movimentos Sociais no fim da década de 1970 e início da década de 1980, no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul RS/Brasil. Tendo em vista que, em plena ditadura militar, na ausência de sindicatos e de partidos políticos atuantes que expressassem os interesses das classes populares, reprimidos ou cooptados pelo regime ditatorial, outras organizações da sociedade civil ocuparam esse espaço, algumas dessas organizações tomaram parte ativa nos conflitos e colocaram-se a serviço das classes populares. No entanto, para que os setores progressistas pudessem atuar na Igreja Católica, essa instituição teve de passar por transformações internas e estar aberta ao mundo, pois só assim pôde sensibilizar-se com os problemas da sociedade. Contudo, uma religião necessita manter um sentido de continuidade mesmo em épocas de renovação interna e transformação social e, assim sendo, abordou-se as transformações ocorridas na Igreja Católica durante a segunda metade do século XX, principalmente com o advento da Teologia da Libertação. No que se refere à formação, analisouse o papel do Centro de Orientação Missionária (COM) no que diz respeito às suas relações com a Igreja Institucional e com a formação teórica de lideranças e a organização de movimentos populares. Buscou-se compreender o papel da formação inserida em comunidades populares, estudando o caso do pioneirismo dos franciscanos na Lomba do Pinheiro, na periferia de Porto Alegre, examino a participação de religiosos na gênese do Movimento Sem Terra no Rio Grande do Sul como período prático da formação que influenciou na participação de mediadores religiosos em Movimentos Sociais, partindo do pressuposto de que esses três modos de formação complementam-se: a formação teórica, a inserida e prática. Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, fez-se uso de entrevistas com religiosos, agentes de pastoral e outros mediadores que tiveram participação direta no surgimento e organização de movimentos populares no Rio Grande do Sul.

D.Litt. et Phil / This dissertation expands our understanding of South African social movements through a study of the South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO), a body formed in 1992 as a national co-ordinating structure of regional and local civic associations. It contends that SANCO can only be understood as a ‘two- tiered social movement’. The study draws on a Human Sciences Research Council survey, to which I contributed as a team member, on participant and non-participant observation, semi-structured interviews and primary literature and a case study of one SANCO branch, Alexandra. The focus of this survey was on the experience of SANCO’s leadership both at national and local level. Social movement literature reviewed in this study ignored the issue of tiers or levels in social movements. The study demonstrates that it would be worth re-looking at the analyses of social movements with an eye to assess whether distinct levels exist elsewhere. Whilst tiers are likely to be absent from small movements, there is an inherent tension for organisations that have both local units focused on immediate day-to-day concerns and also national structures that represent broader issues within political circles. The findings of the study defy the dominant view of South African social movements, which emphasise a demobilisation in the post-apartheid period. In the case of SANCO, its demise was substantiated by examining the organisation at a national level, largely ignoring local realities. A two-tiered approach demonstrates that even though local civic organisations experienced difficulties, particularly in the period immediately after the end of apartheid, they continued to thrive.

In several countries of the Global North, right-wing parties are successfully mobilizing public support, influencing political debates and introducing arguments and rhetorics that draw on xenophobia, populism and ethnocentrism, ostensibly with a purpose to amplify the “national order of things” (Malkki 1992). This thesis addresses this development by providing an ethnography, based fieldwork, of the Swedish social movement Folkets Demonstration, which arranges anti-government manifestations on squares most usually in Stockholm. Drawing on classical theories on performance by Victor Turner and Erving Goffman, I investigate how the demonstrations of the movement facilitate the construction of a collective identity of “the people”, which also includes exploring the world view of the demonstrators. As I argue, through the socio-emotionality of the demonstrations, the movement conducts a cultural performance of national cohesion vis-à-vis the Swedish national community, cosmologically perceived as on the edge of an apocalypse due to immigration and the alleged cosmopolitanist agenda of the government. In addition, I argue that the demonstrations can be understood as strategically managed towards idealized performances of democracy. Hence, the demonstrations can be considered regressive-utopian performances of a national-democratic community, furthermore embedded in a polarization between “the people” and “the elite” and through which the collective identity of “the people” is constructed.

The main topic of the thesis is the religious development of Pilsen at the times of the First Republic (1918-1938), which is understood as the development of the Catholic Church, the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren, the Czechoslovak Church and the Non-believers' Movement. The aim is to introduce individual religious entities, to show their mutual interaction and their ability to influence the surrounding society. The influence of religion is observed throughout the society, from the communal politics through the school education to the regional identity. This is all happening on the background of complex social processes (demographical, economic, cultural, political and social) that are properly taken into account. Another important topic of this work is the ability of religious organizations to respond adequately to the new challenges that emerge with these processes. The regional data identified are compared to similar urban areas and the rest of the country. Religious development in Pilsen should not only give evidence of the city itself, but also about the First Czechoslovak Republic as such. Key words: Czechoslovakia, First Republic, Pilsen, religion, social movement

Le « phénomène Le Pen » désigne la somme constituée par l’élaboration d’une marquepolitique située à l’extrême droite et les réactions conflictuelles qu’elle suscite au sein de lasociété française. L’objectivation de ce phénomène réside dans l’analyse de l’idéologie duFront National en tant qu’elle est celle d’une marque politique devant produire un contenudoctrinal original pour se distinguer des autres partis mais également dans l’étude dumouvement social – ou du mouvement du social – dont elle est à l’origine. La catégorie dusacré vient éclairer les dispositifs discursifs qui sont décelables aussi bien dans les mots duFront National que dans ceux de ses adversaires politiques et associatifs. La recherche sepoursuit avec l’analyse des principaux schèmes idéologiques de l’extrême droite française,qui est basée sur une histoire des idées qui commence avec la pensée contre-révolutionnaire.La méthodologie durandienne du bassin sémantique permet d’identifier les étapes cardinalesde la formation idéologique du nationalisme d’extrême droite. L’examen de cette idéologies’achève avec l’analyse du discours contemporain du Front National et la comparaisonmythanalytique des candidatures de Jean-Marie Le Pen et Marine Le Pen lors des électionsprésidentielles françaises de 2007 et de 2012. / The “Le Pen phenomenon” designates the sum constituted by the elaboration of a politicalbrand located at the far-right and by the conflictual reactions that it provokes within theFrench society. The objectivization of this phenomenon lies in the analysis of the FrontNational ideology as it is this of a political brand which must produce an original doctrinalcontent in order to distinguish it from the others parties but also in the study of the socialmovement – or the movement of the social – which it is the cause of. The category of thesacred comes to shed the discursive sets which are discernible just as well in the FrontNational words as those of its political and associative opponents. The research is going onwith the analysis of the French far-right main ideological schemas, which is based on ahistory of ideas which starts with the counter-revolutionary thought. The Durandianmethodology of the semantic basin allows to identify the cardinal stages of the far-rightnationalism ideological formation. The examination of this ideology comes to an end with theanalysis of the Front National contemporary discourse and the mythanalytic comparison ofthe Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen candidacies at the time of 2007 and 2012 Frenchpresidential elections.

This research is about territory, mining conflicts and social movements in South East Ecuador. The Andean country with no large scale mining history is experiencing a recent expansion of large scale mining with growing levels of social conflict. Social movements have been questioning and contesting the forms being taken by the extractive economy as well as proposing an alternative pathway to development through the indigenous concept of sumak kawsay. The Socialist Government is pushing the nation’s extractive model forward to include large scale mining, motivated by the much needed revenues to diversify Ecuador’s oil based economy. El Pangui, my field site, is located on the foothills of the Cordillera del Cóndor, where a large copper deposit is proposed to be developed by a Chinese mining corporation. The Cordillera is an area of great biological diversity and home to the traditional territories of the Shuar, one of the largest indigenous ethnic groups in Ecuador. The years of colonization of ancestral lands and of border war with Peru, the establishment of parks-for-peace, small scale gold mining activity and an expanding agricultural frontier, together have formed a complex territorial mosaic that contribute in shaping the social and physical landscapes. Since 2005 a mining conflict has been unfolding and that can be considered yet another layer of territorial disputes and symbolic contestation in the regions´ history. My fieldwork was carried out from an engaged research and activist scholarship position. I used an ethnographic methodology to explore the bidirectional influences of territorial dynamics and the anti-mining struggle by looking at multi scalar impacts these have on people’s daily life, corporate social responsibility and environmental development debates. I also looked at the ways in which memories and meanings associated with past conflicts resonate in subsequent resource struggles to form a layering of conflicts. I was particularly interested in the less visible dimensions of environmental mobilisation embedded in the routines of daily life, as well as in the ways in which the memory and history of territorialisation and settlement influence social movement organizing. Theoretically, I propose a territorial approach to studying natural resource struggles and social movements that contest mining. This concept allowed me to examine the effects of the extractive projects on pre-existing territorial dynamics and the influence of these dynamics on the ways in which mining investments are contested.

Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mireles Sandoval / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T09:17:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_MariaEfigeniaRibeiro_M.pdf: 4508649 bytes, checksum: 87db64de93d6ef0c48383f81d88fe0d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa foi buscar a trajetória de participação social e política de um grupo de mulheres, lideranças, de um movimento por escola em um bairro da zona Leste da Cidade de São Paulo, nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. A EMEF Coelho Neto, funciona desde 1992, em prédio de alvenaria, que foi uma conquista realizada pelos moradores do bairro Parque Boa Esperança, São Mateus, após anos de muita luta e organização. Este movimento social esteve inserido no contexto das reivindicações populares que surgiram pelas periferias da cidade a partir do final da década de 1970, que ao denunciarem as precárias condições de vida da população e a falta de democracia da sociedade brasileira atingiram gravemente as estruturas da Ditadura Militar instalada no Brasil desde 1964. Através do resgate da memória do movimento por escola, as lideranças do movimento explicitaram suas trajetórias de participação política, o processo de construção da consciência política e as transformações ocorridas no exercício dos papeis de mulher, esposa e mãe a partir da inserção nas Comunidades Eclesiais de Base (CEBs) e nos movimentos sociais. A pesquisa qualitativa utilizou a História Oral como recurso teórico metodológico a partir de entrevistas semiestruturadas às lideranças do movimento. A partir das narrativas das lideranças do movimento por escola, foi possível o resgate da história local, deste pedaço da zona leste da cidade de São Paulo, que tanto contribuiu para os chamados "novos movimentos sociais" das décadas de 1970 e 1980 / Abstract: The objective of this research was to find the trajectory of politics and social participation a group of women, leadership of a movement for a school in a neighborhood on East Zone of São Paulo City, in 1970s and 1980s. The Municipal Elementary School of Coelho Neto, it works since 1992 in a masonry building, this was a achievement made by the dwellers of their neighborhood of Parque Boa Esperança, São Mateus after a lot of years of struggle and organization. This social movement was in the context of the popular demands which appears on the city suburbs in the 1970s, when reported the bad conditions of dwellers living and lack of democracy in Brazilian society, it gravely hit the structure of the Military Dictatorship in Brazil since 1964. Through the rescue of memory to school movement, the leaderships of movement has shown their paths of political involvement, the process of political consciousness construction and the changes occurred by the women, spouses and mothers at the point of insertion in the Ecclesiastic Bases Community (CEBs) and in social movement. The qualitative research has used the oral history as a methodological theoretical resource, from semi-structure interviews to movement leadership. From the narrative of movement's leaders to demand school. It was possible rescue of the local history, of this piece of East Zone of São Paulo, which has contributed so much to the so-called "news socials movements" on the decades 1970s and 1980s / Mestrado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Mestra em Educação

The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.

[pt] O tema deste trabalho está relacionado com as formas de interação entre Estado, ONG e movimento social. A proposta é uma observação ao longo do tempo de como o Programa Nacional de DST/Aids, movimento social de aids e movimento social travesti foram se construindo e se redesenhando no processo de interação política. Partindo da hipótese de que a partir das esferas de intermediação de interesses a interação entre Estado e sociedade pode promover o fortalecimento dos movimentos sociais e a legitimação do Estado, considerou-se as dinâmicas de entrelaçamento entre os atores a partir do entendimento de que são marcadas por relações de saber e poder que envolve, ao mesmo tempo, reciprocidade e assimetria. Ou seja, a política é instituinte desse processo no qual as identidades estão em construção. / [en] The theme of this work is related to the forms of interaction between State, NGOs and social movement. The proposal is an observation over time as the National STD / AIDS, the AIDS social movement and transvestite social movement were under construction and being redesigned in the process of political interaction. Assuming that from the spheres of interest intermediation, the interaction between State and society can promote the strengthening of social movements and the legitimacy of the State, it was considered the dynamics of entanglement between the actors from the understanding that they are marked by relations of knowledge and power that involves, at the same time, reciprocity and asymmetry. In other words, politics is instituting this process in which identities are under construction.

The thesis deals with issues of LGBT movement in the Czech Republic in the context of the ongoing campaign "We are fair" for equal marriage. The intention was to try to find out on the basis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with LGBT activists how these activists perceive the status of sexual minorities in the Czech Republic and the related situation of the Czech LGBT movement with regard to its emancipatory potential. It turned out that the activists sensitively perceived the limits of the conditionality of the tolerance of Czech society and that they were aware of the changes in the social and political context in relation to minorities. However, particular minorities are not perceived in the same way by the society, and according to activists, LGBT rights can even be a tool for legitimizing aversion to other minorities, especially religious or ethnic minorities. On the level of reflection on the ongoiong campaign's strategies, activists put the emphasis on political lobbying for equal marriage, with the support of community mobilization and the formation of collective identity defined by the requirement of equal marriage. From the perspective of activists, it is therefore important to balance the professionalized lobbying with grassroots activism. Although, according to activists, the...