The portrayal of collective identity of Muslim populations in Europe presents an increasingly important issue within identity politics. While European Muslims represent a diverse population that has experienced longstanding socio-political concerns, they are also increasingly portrayed in light of wider global perceptions of Islam in a post-9/11 era. Consequently, there is growing concern over a confusing of such pre-existing domestic issues and larger international problems of radical fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism. The misrepresentation of European Muslims as linked to such issues in turn often exacerbates domestic problems and contributes to an evolving sense of oppositional Muslim identity in Europe. In light of these concerns over inaccurate depictions of Muslims and their harmful effects, many of which will be expounded upon below, a more critical and deliberate approach is necessary in scholarly assessments of Muslim populations. This thesis examines the situation of European Muslims amidst such portrayals of commonality and international influence. After discussing some facets of political identities and critiquing other approaches to this issue, the study focuses on the case of Muslims in France. Using the lens of universalism, I examine the context of Muslims in France and evaluate the accuracy of assertions of common identity. After illustrating the diversity of French Muslims, the study then turns to the situation of Muslims in Europe, comparing the French case with those of Great Britain and Germany. Finally, it returns to the recent French national identity debate for concluding remarks. The study demonstrates that, while portrayals of Muslims as a uniform threat to European identity are at present inaccurate and misleading, such assertions also carry potentially harmful effects in stigmatizing Muslims and contributing to oppositional identity formation.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-146).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-146).

My study offers a constructive exploration of divine judgment as salvific rather than destructive which I describe aphoristically as iudicandus est salvandus ('to be judged is to be saved'). My provocation to Christian eschatology is that human beings are not saved from judgment, but are saved within it. In chapter 1, I introduce the context of the study and propose the concept of salvific judgment. In chapter 2, I engage in an exploration of the symbols and problems of judgment through a reappraisal of De novissimis ('concerning the last things'), the last section found in traditional works of dogmatics. This is followed, in chapter 3, by a critical engagement with the soteriological optimism posited by four twentieth- and twenty-first century theologians: Sergei Bulgakov, Hans Urs von Balthasar, J.A.T. Robinson, and Marilyn McCord Adams. In chapter 4, I explore four versions of the purpose of judgment: (1) as retributive with a dual outcome, engaging the work of Paul O'Callaghan; (2) as retributive and universalist, in conversation with Sergei Bulgakov; (3) as non-retributive, rectifying, and universalist, exploring the oeuvre of Jürgen Moltmann; and (4) as non-retributive, constitutive of personhood, and quasi-universalist, investigating the eschatological thought of Markus Mühling. In chapter 5, I propose to approach divine judgment as the event of absolute recognition. I posit that it is within the eschatic recognition of God, the self, and the other that transformation and glorification occur in a way that avoids a dual outcome of salvation and damnation. I then explore the problems concerning eternal life ('heaven') in the received tradition and propose that life in the eschatic realm of God is not eternal stasis, but the semper novum. I also explore this understanding of eternal life as it relates to the communion of saints. I conclude by arguing that we may approach divine judgment with faith, hope, and love – not only for ourselves, but for the human race as a whole.

Notre projet de recherche décrit les enjeux et les tensions qui sous-tendent la posture universaliste contestataire de Nina Bouraoui. L’analyse de la trajectoire littéraire de l’auteure montre qu’elle a réussi à déjouer les pièges institutionnels qu’elle a rencontrés à ses débuts littéraires, notamment la position stéréotypée d’écrivain-sociologue du Maghreb. Elle s’est engagée dès lors dans la récusation des assignations à des particularismes qu’ils soient « ethniques » ou genrés. Les discours métalittéraires (médiatiques et parfois universitaires) tendent souvent à l’altériser en classant sa production littéraire dans le pôle « francophone » minoré. Il ne s’agit pas d’un ostracisme univoque (tourné vers la seule Nina Bouraoui), mais d’une position socialement construite pour défendre un groupe supposé homogène par essence (la « blanchité »), se percevant comme le dépositaire exclusif de l’universalisme. Malgré des négociations internes (texte) et externes (hors-texte) de sa posture, la réception de Bouraoui comme écrivaine française/universelle est sans cesse ajournée. Le sens donné à la reconnaissance de son œuvre et à sa consécration subséquente par l’attribution de prix littéraires importants dans le champ littéraire français n’ont pas réduit des ambiguïtés et des équivocités qui continuent à suggérer des significations multiples et parfois contradictoires sur sa position (francophone ou française ?). Ce qui est certain, en revanche, c’est la volonté de l’auteure, par-delà la réception, de bousculer les codes et de perturber un jeu littéraire qu’elle estime obsolète. Subversive et parfois opportuniste, joueuse elle-même et iconoclaste, sa littérature reste un témoin des hésitations de notre temps et de justes proclamations (universalistes) qui restent à satisfaire. / Our research project describes the underlying challenges and tensions of Nina Bouraoui's anti-authority universalist posture. Analysing the author’s literary trajectory we note that she has successfully avoided common pitfalls encountered early on her career in particular the stereotypical Maghreb writer-sociologist. She has challenged and reassigned « ethnic » and gender identities. Meta-literary critics (media and sometimes university) often have a habit to emphasise her « otherness » by classifying her work in the underestimated « francophone » genre. It is not an unequivocal exception directed just towards Nina Bouraoui but a social position built to defend a supposed group essentially homogenous (the "whiteness" ), perceived as the exclusive custodians of universalism. Despite internal (text) and external negotiations (out of the text) of her posture, Bouraoui has not been accepted as a french/universal writer. The literary acclaim for her work and many consecration by important literary prizes in the French literary field has not reduced certain ambiguities which continue to suggest contradictory ideas on her position (francophone or french ?). What is certain, on the other hand, is the will of the author, beyond the reception, to push boundaries and to shake up the literary game which she considers obsolete. Subversive and sometimes opportunist player herself and maverick, her literature remains a witness of the hesitations of our time and of the right proclamations (universalists) remain unsatisfied.

Ce travail restitue la trajectoire de circulation et de traduction du postcolonial en France. En proposant une analyse à la fois sémasiologique et onomasiologique du terme postcolonial, cette thèse cherche à montrer comment émerge et se diffuse une nouvelle grille de lecture du monde social. Celle-ci permet de faire émerger une imbrication conceptuelle complexe mettant en relation les concepts d’idéal républicain, d’universalisme, de multiculturalisme, d’identité nationale et de discriminations. Ce travail retrace les conditions de possibilités de ce nouveau vocable à travers l’analyse de trois espaces : politique, savant et intellectuel. Il montre comment des thématiques, d’abord confinées dans les espaces sociaux, tendent progressivement à s’imbriquer au début des années 2000. L’analyse de l’année 2005, comme point de rupture dans la visibilité de cette thématique, permet de mettre en évidence la constitution d’espaces de traductions : de nouvelles revues et maisons d’éditions et d’insister sur les trajectoires multiples des traducteurs. Enfin, ce travail propose une cartographie de la controverse engendrée à la suite de la réception du terme postcolonial à travers une analyse de ses scènes, de sa spatialisation et de ses motifs argumentatifs. / This work articulates the circulation and translation of the trajectories of postcolonial studies in France. Proposing both semasiological and onomasiological analyses of the postcolonial term, this thesis intends to show how a new interpretation of the social world rise and spread. A complex and conceptual overlapping emerges where the notions of “idéal républicain”, universalism, multiculturalism, “identité nationale” and discrimination are related. This work outlines the conditions of possibility of this new semantic through the analysis of three areas: political, scientific and intellectual. It demonstrates how themes, prior confined in specific social areas, tends to gradually overlap at the beginning of 2000’s. The analysis of the year 2005, as a turning point in the exposure of this topic, highlights the creation of translation areas: new journals, publishing houses and outlines the various trajectories of translators. Finally, this work propose a cartography of the controversy generated following the reception of the term postcolonial in France through the analysis of its scenes, its spatialization and its argumentative patterns.

O presente trabalho insere-se no contexto do debate entre o universalismo e o multiculturalismo dos direitos humanos. Diante da afirmação da universalidade desses direitos, juntamente com a proteção da diversidade cultural, na Declaração de Viena de 1993, buscou-se apresentar uma justificativa para o paradoxo na Filosofia do Direito. A liberdade como denominador comum entre a universalidade do fenômeno ético e as diversas manifestações culturais apontou o reconhecimento, conforme formulado por Hegel na Fenomenologia do Espírito, como fundamento possível para a universalidade dos direitos humanos. A partir disso, concebe-se uma política de tolerância para os direitos humanos, que deve ser praticada, inclusive, entre os seus estudiosos. / This research is inserted in the debates context among universalism and multiculturalism of human rights. Facing its declared universality, in association with the protection of cultural diversity, in the 1993 Vienna Declaration, a justification for this paradox in the Philosophy of Law has been searched. Freedom, as a common ground found for the universality of the ethical phenomenon and the many cultural expressions, indicated the knowledge, as Hegel formulated it in his Phenomenology of Spirit, as an actual fundament for human rights universality. From this point, a tolerance policy for human rights is conceived, and it should be practiced, also, by its scholars.

Un important désaccord subsiste parmi les exégètes de Frege au sujet de la question suivante : quel rapport entretient l'universalisme logique de Frege avec la sémantique contemporaine ? Le premier constitue-t-il un obstacle à l'élaboration et/ou à l'exploitation de la seconde ? Face à cette interrogation deux camps s'affrontent. L'un dresse la liste considérable des passages des Grundgesetze dans lesquels Frege sembla se lancer dans de véritables raisonnements sémantiques. L'autre rétorque qu'il s'agissait à ses yeux de pures élucidations, bannies de jure de la sphère théorique. Notre objectif consiste à faire toute la lumière sur ce problème. Dans ce but, nous nous appliquons à combattre deux poncifs ancrés dans la littérature. Nous contestons (1) l'idée que Frege était toujours soucieux de signaler la moindre inflexion de sa pensée, et (2) la possibilité d'étudier ses positions philosophiques indépendamment de son symbolisme spécifique. Par conséquent, nous retraçons la genèse des idées qui ont conduit à l'élaboration de l'idéographie de 1893, avant de réaliser toutes les étapes de la construction de ce système. Ces résultats - attachés à notre rejet de (1) et (2) - jettent une lumière neuve sur le problème soulevé plus haut. Ils nous conduisent à adopter le positionnement radical selon lequel Frege faisait bel et bien droit à une sémantique dont il jeta les bases et qu'il tenta de mettre en action afin de démontrer certains théorèmes métalogiques. Nous tentons de formaliser proprement cette sémantique, puis de localiser précisément les erreurs dont il fut responsable. Cette tâche nous conduit ultimement à l'étude des célèbres §§ 29-31 des Grundgesetze. / There is still considerable disagreement among Frege's exegetes on how Frege's logical universalism relates to modem semantics; does the former obstruct the development and/or the use of the latter? Two sides exist on this issue. The first one quotes many sections of the Grundgesetze which seem to contain genuine semantic reasonings. The other one claims that Frege holds these sections to be strict elucidations excluded de jure from the realm of science. My aim is to shed light on this problem. For this purpose, I contest the following commonplaces: (1) that Frege was concerned with indicating the slightest change of his thoughts, and (2) that his philosophical theses can be studied regardless of his particular symbolism. l thus complete the two tasks of tracing back the origins of the underlying ideas in the Ideography of 1893 and of building up this very system step by step. My results, attached to my rejection of (1) and (2), shed a new light m the issue raised above. They lead us to the radical position that not only did Frege not reject semantics, but that he himself paved the way to such a semantic theory in order to prove metalogical theorems. I then try to formalize the former so as to locate his errors in the latter. This work eventually leads to a thorough study of the famous §§ 29-31 of the Grundgesetze.

This text focuses on the French self-peception in the modern world. French consider their concept of state and citizenship universal, as Americans do. But the two universalisms are built on a different basis in terms of religion, language and many other aspects. I analyze the clash of the two visions of the world and the French reactions to the American rise to power in the 20th century.