<p>Genom en komparativ diskursanalys undersöks i uppsatsen hur media gestaltat två olika humanitära katastrofer. Analysen baseras på ett urval av ledarartiklar som skildrat de båda händelserna. Genom det diskursanalytiska angreppssättet förs mycket textnära resonemang om vad texterna uttrycker. Fokus ligger på hur de olika händelserna omtalas, på vilket sätt händelserna byggs upp och vad de gestaltar. Jämförelsen av två olika händelser är till för att tydligare kunna visa på olika sätt att gestalta händelser samt att studera vilka olika utfall de olika skildringarna kan få. </p><p>Analysen utgår från teorier om nationen som gemenskap, och problematiserar utifrån dessa tendenserna till att överfokusera den egna nationens medborgare medan andra nationers och människors lidanden hamnar i skymundan. Utifrån postkoloniala teorier problematiseras de stereotypa gestaltningar av andra nationer och dess medborgare som görs genom artiklarna, och resonemang förs kring vilka konsekvenser sådana gestaltningar får för engagemang och intresse. Ett tydligt maktperspektiv blir här tydligt. </p><p>Public journalism är den övergripande teori som används för att studera medias roll och vikt i allt detta. Uppsatsen centreras kring begrepp som närhet och avstånd, allmänmänsklighet och nationella intressen och diskussionen rör främst vilka positioner de olika aktörer tilldelas genom texterna samt vad dessa positioner innebär för handlingsmöjligheter. Vem är det som har rätt och vem har fel? Vem fårtala och vem förblir tyst?</p>

A critical study of the education reform laws of the 1880s in France; specifically the Ferry laws and the Camille See law. How these laws affected women's education and more broadly, the place of women in French society. The ideologies of universalism and laicite and how they affected women's education, specifically the exclusion of women from French society based on the suppression of difference inherent in universalism.

I have structured my master's thesis in terms of an opposition between Kojeve's existentialist, Marxist philosophical formulation of Hegel's Phenomenology and Levinas's post-Heideggerian, anti-Hegelian phenomenology in Totality and Infinity. While Levinas's project is explicitly anti-totalitarian, Kojeve's reading of the Phenomenology emphasizes the End of History in Hegel's philosophy without shrinking from its totalizing aspects. While the philosophical project of each thinker is generally antithetical to the other, it is my contention that the universal and homogeneous state, conceived by Kojeve to be the rational realization of the end of history, is a legitimate moral project for Levinasian ethics. This thesis provides both an exegesis of Kojeve's reading of Hegel's master/slave dialectic in the Phenomenology and an interpretation of the tragedy of the slave understood in terms of Holderlin's theory of the tragic. It is through the master/slave dialectic that history consummates in the end of history. Later in the thesis, I outline Levinas's project as an ethics as first philosophy in opposition to the Eleatic traditions in Western philosophy. We can trace Levinas's project in his unconventional reading of the cogito and the idea of infinity. Whereas Descartes represents a philosophical return home for Hegel, Levinas's reading of Descartes represents a philosophical sojourn away from home in the second movement of the Meditations. With these notions, we have a formal basis in accounting for the conflict in Levinas's thought between the moral necessity of universal rights and the dangers of assimilation. Finally, I argue for why the universal and homogeneous state is an ethically worthy goal from a Levinasian perspective. On this question, I engage the thought of a number of thinkers of the left: Kojeve, Derrida, Horkheimer, Adorno and Zizek. I conclude that Levinas's thought on universalism and eschatology can serve as a moral basis for the left-Hegelian project of realizing a universal and homogeneous state. Because such a state is distinguishable from a totalizing End of History, the eschatological concern for one's singularity within history is compatible with the prophetic call to strive for political universality. Ultimately, it is the responsibility to this prophetic call that guarantees one's singularity.

This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty.    Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now. The two are Socialdemokraterna and Moderata Samlingspartiet. The first mentioned one is representing a socialist policy whilst the second one is representing a right-wing party. This study will deal with whether the parties have changed over time or not. The big question will be whether they have changed their opinions and positions since the beginning of 1960. This year is chosen in particular because it was during this period the largest development of the welfare state of Sweden started. It will be about if the parties changed according to, in particular poverty in Sweden. There are two main questions that I intend to answer throughout the text, to finally analyze the questions in the last part of this essay.

In accordance with cultural and literary theology the purpose of the study is to research Leonardas Andriekus’ (1914-2003) personality, his cultural and literary activities. In this work there are used biographical, cultural theology, literary theology and correlation methods. Searching for an appropriate theoretical base it was chosen Lev Karsavin’s (1992) a theory of a personality, philosopher Maceina’s considerations and theoretical insights while analysing Christian universalism and theology of culture (1991, 1993), Joseph Ratzinger's (1999) concept of death and eschatology as well Paul Tillich’s (1995) theology of culture. In the study there has been examined the formation of Christian universalism and concept of a universal personality in Lithuania, a paradigm of theology of culture, concepts of the theologies of art and literature. Andriekus’ life since his birth till the magazine “Aidai “ was moved into Lithuania also has been analysed. There has been disclosed Andriekus’ personality formation and his determination to the priesthood, which later was leading him towards the cleric path. There also have been highlighted Andriekus’ cultural ties with compatriots. In the work there is also being analysed his relationship with Lithuanian artists, writers and other representatives of culture. There have been presented his activities as a leadership of Lithuanian Writers' Society. There has been analysed his relationship with the magazine “Aidai” where he was working... [to full text] / Tyrimo tikslas remiantis kultūros teologija ir literatūros teologija ištirti Leonardo Andriekaus (1914-2003) asmenybę, jo kultūrinę veiklą bei literatūrinę kūrybą. Darbe naudojamasi biografiniu, kultūros teologijos, literatūros teologijos ir koreliacijos metodais. Ieškant tinkamo teorinio pagrindo, buvo pasirinktos Levo Karsavino (1992) asmenybės teorija, filosofo Maceinos svarstymai bei teorinės įžvalgos analizuojant krikščioniškąjį universalizmą ir kultūros teologiją (1991; 1993), Josepho Ratzingerio (1999) mirties ir eschatologijos samprata bei Paulo Tillicho (1995) kultūros teologija. Tyrime išnagrinėtas krikščioniškojo universalizmo formavimasis ir universalios asmenybės samprata Lietuvoje; išanalizuota kultūros teologijos paradigma, meno teologijos ir literatūros teologijos samprata. Ištirtas Andriekaus gyvenimas nuo jo gimimo iki žurnalo „Aidai“ perkėlimo į Lietuvą. Atskleistas asmenybės susiformavimas ir apsisprendimas kunigystei, kuris vėliau vedė link dvasininko kelio. Išryškinti Andriekaus kultūriniai ryšiai su tėvynainiais. Analizuoti jo santykiai su lietuvių menininkais, rašytojais, kultūrinininkais. Pristatyta jo veikla vadovaujant Lietuvių rašytojų draugijai. Analizuoti jo santykiai su žurnalu „Aidai“, kuomet jis buvo bendradarbis ir vyr. redaktorius. Išnagrinėta Andriekaus publikuota ir nepublikuota poezija. Analizuotas universalus laikas per kairos ir chronos prizmę; sakralios erdvės, kur įvairūs Palestinos vietovardžiai siejami su Lietuvos vietovardžiais... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

It has become something of a truism to contend that David Foster Wallace was concerned with irony; both its challenge to ethical conviction and the ability of the author to enact sincere communication in the millennial United States. However, this privileging of sincerity within Wallace Studies has resulted in neglect being shown to the first half of Polonius’ famous dialectic – ‘to thine own self be true’ – precluding analysis of Wallace that focuses on his relationship with authenticity. Similarly, critics have often sought to argue for Wallace’s panhuman universalism, to the detriment of the overtly nationalistic strain in his writing. This thesis aims to address these underrepresented areas within Wallace scholarship, arguing that his writing is fundamentally engaged with a debate over what it means to be ‘real American’. The phrase is taken from a 1996 interview with Salon.com’s Laura Miller, during which Wallace averred that his intention when writing Infinite Jest was to capture ‘something real American, about what it’s like to live in America around the millenium’ (Conversations with David Foster Wallace 59). This comment is central to an understanding of Wallace’s oeuvre, as it introduces his historical specificity and his pragmatic desire to explore ‘what it’s like to live’, whilst also alluding to his constant negotiation with epistemological and ontological questions over the ‘real’, all framed within an expressly nationalistic paradigm. The word ‘real’ is used in this sense both as an adverb to connote something that is authentically or intrinsically ‘American’, whilst it also serves as an intensifier – to denote something that is very American – implying a hierarchy of things that can be more ‘American’ than others. With regards to his immediate historical context, this entrenches Wallace firmly within the Culture Wars of the 1990s, and yet it also gestures further back in history, situating him within a fundamentally American literary tradition: the American Jeremiad. Wallace’s challenge was to attempt to engage with ideas of the real and the really American, despite the challenges to authenticity (and indeed the idea of a nation) that resulted from the permeation of myriad contemporary discourses into the national psyche, including advertising jargon, postmodern/poststructural ‘theory’, the language of psychotherapy, the discourse of political correctness, and the partisan rhetoric of politicians. The first two chapters will focus on Wallace's engagement with ostensible challenges to the 'authentic' subject, and the difficulty of authentically representing the self. Chapter one will focus on 'Octet' and Wallace's uneasy place within the so-called 'New Sincerity' paradigm, highlighting Wallace’s attempt to counter the discourse of ‘postmodern irony’ with an ‘other-directed’ sincerity, and yet exposing his conservative project of self-preservation. Chapter two will examine Wallace's often fraught relationship with psychotherapy; in particular the way that psychotherapeutic discourse has infiltrated American culture, precluding the singularity and authentic representation of individual experience. Chapter three will continue this exploration of the widespread adoption of specialist discourses, although this time focusing on the abstractions of postmodern/poststructural theory, and Wallace’s attempt to find ‘real American’ replacement cultural symbols that could be applied to both individuals and the nation as a collective. Chapter four will be concerned with Wallace's search for an efficacious philosophical model that is suitably 'American'; whilst also capable of incorporating the singularity of individual experience within a national collectivity. Finally, chapter five will focus on Wallace's more explicit engagement with politics, tracing the development of his political ideas. In doing so a picture of Wallace will emerge that highlights some of his contradictions; contradictions that he himself was aware of and drew attention to, as well as contradictions that run to the very heart of 'the idea of America'.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o debate teórico entre cosmopolitas, comunitaristas e pós-modernos a respeito da tensão entre universalismo do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos e soberania estatal no caso da lei francesa de 2010 que proíbe a dissimulação da face no espaço público, mas que se aplica às mulheres muçulmanas adeptas do uso do véu integral. / This work aims at analyzing the theoretical debate between cosmopolitans, communitarians, and postmodernists about the tension between the universalism of International Human Rights Law and state sovereignty in the case of the French law of 2010, which prohibits the concealment of the face in the public space, applying, however, only to muslim women who are adept to the use of the full veil.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:17:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur- Piranema- da- Cruz- Dissertacao.pdf: 771597 bytes, checksum: 7d92370496f82c2964609a2649c412a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-15 / This work seeks to sustain the particularistic view of Aristotle‟s Nicomachean Ethics as opposed to universal readings. The analysis of the passages on the method of practical philosophy, about virtue as mean and about prudence as perceptive ability of the virtuous man will show that Aristotle‟s Ethics is actually particularistic. Although you can not defend an extreme particularism, because the record of universalizations and generalizations also find shelter, yet there is a distinct particularistic base that gives priority to the perception of what is relevant in every situation. / Este trabalho busca sustentar a visão particularista da Ethica Nicomachea de Aristóteles em contraposição às leituras universalistas. A análise das passagens sobre o método da filosofia prática, sobre a virtude como mediedade e sobre a prudência como capacidade perceptiva do homem virtuoso mostrará que a ética de Aristóteles é efetivamente particularista. Embora não seja possível defender um particularismo extremo, pois o registro das universalizações e generalizações também encontram guarida, ainda assim se verifica a nítida base particularista que dá prioridade à percepção do que é relevante em cada situação.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-01-28T19:39:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vieira, Ana-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2283358 bytes, checksum: 5729299a893718064bd1b126c52e319f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-28T19:39:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vieira, Ana-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2283358 bytes, checksum: 5729299a893718064bd1b126c52e319f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as contribuições de Cecília Benevides de Carvalho Meireles (1901-1964) para os temas da educação e do folclore brasileiros, mais precisamente na relação estabelecida por ela entre estas duas esferas. Cecília Meireles possui uma trajetória de atuação social riquíssima, figurando como poetisa, educadora, folclorista, cronista na grande imprensa, crítica literária e até mesmo tradutora de livros estrangeiros. Envolveu-se com o movimento de renovação educacional dos anos 1920 e 1930, sendo uma das signatárias do Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (1932). Nos três primeiros anos da década de 1930, dirigiu a Página de Educação no jornal Diário de Notícias, através da qual expressava e difundia os ideais da Escola Nova para o público em geral. Também esteve envolvida, já no final da década de 1940, com o Movimento Folclórico brasileiro (1947-1967), participando ativamente de suas atividades nacionais e regionais. Sua atuação como educadora é mais conhecida e estudada, ao contrário de seu lado folclorista, que recebeu pouca atenção da bibliografia especializada. Será este o foco deste estudo, que procurará entender suas diferentes formas de atuação social como um projeto único de nação. / The aims of this research is to analyze the contributions of Cecília Benevides de Carvalho Meireles (1901-1964) to brazilian education and folklore discussions, specifically the relationship established by her between these two subjects. Cecilia Meireles has a rich background of social acting as a poet, educator, folklorist, chronicler in the mainstream newspapers, literary critic and even a translator of foreign books. She engaged in the educational reform movement in the 1920s and 1930s as one of the signatories of the Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (1932). In the first three years of 1930s, she directed Página de Educação in the newspaper Diário de Notícias, in which she expressed and spread the ideals of the New School to the general public. By the late of 1940s she was also engaged in the Brazilian Folkloric Movement (1947-1967), actively participating in their national and regional activities. Her performance as an educator is more known and studied, unlike the folklorist side, which received little attention from specialized literature. This will be the focus of this study, which will seek to understand different forms of social action as a single national project.

Cette thèse porte sur les discours de et sur la francophonie au XXIe siècle, à un moment où l´argumentaire de la Francophonie officielle reposant sur le modèle républicain français et les valeurs qui lui sont associées est contraint de se renouveler, dans un contexte de tiraillement des identités culturelles entre la mondialisation et l´ethnicisation. Nous proposons de désigner par l´expression : f(F)rancophonie, le tissage de liens problématiques, contradictoires et source de violence symbolique, entre la francophonie, en tant qu´ensemble de locuteurs, et la Francophonie institutionnelle. Les discours de la f(F)rancophonie révèlent l´existence d´une manipulation politique de la langue et de la culture s´appuyant sur différents modèles idéologiques de société. L´approche pluridisciplinaire de notre étude permet de mettre au jour, notamment grâce aux outils théoriques de l´analyse du discours et de la pensée postcoloniale, l´alimentation problématique de l´impérialisme culturel à l´œuvre dans la construction de la politique d´influence française (soft power). En effet, le dispositif institutionnel franco–centré offre une force pragmatique à la stratégie discursive de la Francophonie et à sa rhétorique de lutte, de rayonnement et d´universalisme contre l´anti–modèle anglo–américain. Le nouveau paradigme de la diversité culturelle peine parfois à masquer la conception d´une langue française porteuse de l´universalisation d´une culture et d´une identité nationale. L´observation de la langue et de la littérature au prisme des institutions permet d´éclairer les discours de la f(F)rancophonie littéraire dans lesquels l´écrivain francophone semble souvent contraint de composer avec l´héritage colonial d´une langue française auréolée de prestige. Enfin, notre analyse de la théorie et des études littéraires francophones interroge les postures d´écrivains face à l´interrelation du centre français et de ses périphéries. / The doctoral thesis carried out is based on francophonie discourse in the XXIth century, both from and about francophonie. This is a period in which official Francophonie arguments are based on the French republican model, as well as the values associated with it, which is obliged to renew itself within the present context whereby cultural identities are torn between globalisation and ethnicisation. For the purposes of the present research the term f(F)rancophonie shall be defined as the weaving of problematic and contradictory links, which are sources of symbolic violence, between francophonie, in terms of speakers as a whole, and institutional Francophonie. f(F)rancophonie discourse reveals the existence of political manipulation of language and culture through different ideological models of society. The multidisciplinary approach of the present investigation has enabled the updating of the problematical extension of cultural imperialism at work in the construction of French influence policy (soft power), notably thanks to discourse analysis and postcolonial thought theoretical tools. Indeed the francocentered institutional system provides pragmatic power to the Francophonie discursive strategy and to its rhetoric of struggle, influence and universalism against the anglo-american anti-model. At times the new cultural diversity paradigm struggles to conceal the conception of a French language which is the bearer of universalisation of one single cultural and national identity. The comment of language and literature through institutions sheds light on literary f(F)rancophonie discourse within which the francophone writer often appears obliged to compose with the colonial heritage of the French language which is haloed with prestige. Lastly the present analysis of francophone literary theories and studies examines the positions of writers in view of the interrelation between the French center and its peripheries.