Save the Children Fund (SCF) was at its foundation in 1919 a value-driven organization. The values, or guiding principles, of the founding generation are the lens through which I look at the history of SCF, and the associated histories of war and peace, human rights and NGO-state relations. These guiding principles are identified as universalism, utilitarianism and optimistic pacificism. They can be understood as a paradigm to which the social community which made up the founding generation of SCF gave their assent. The first chapter locates the founding generation within the political culture of the anti-war movement. Succeeding chapters detail the metamorphosis of SCIF from a'contentious social movement into a respectable national organization. As soon as the organization adopted a national rather than a universal orientation, the coordinates of all its guiding principles shifted. In particular the optimistic pacificism of the founding generation was replaced by pessimistic defencism. It was not until after the Cold War that SCIF began to realign itself with its original guiding principles. The three guiding principles are found to be of continuing relevance. Universalism has been reasserted as a positive creed leading SCF to seize political opportunities to reach out to children from all sides. The organization has adopted a utilitarian perspective that affirms the dynamic role of young people in generating their own futures. Lastly, the primacy attached to peace by war-affected people has underlined SCFs urgent mission to uphold an optimistic belief in the possibility of peace.

Denna studiens huvudsakliga syfte har varit att undersöka hur kulturrelativism och universalism ”översätts” av “vardagsmänniskor”. I detta fall har intresset riktats mot lärarstudenters perceptioner av könsuppdelad undervisning i en friskolekontext. Studiens sekundära syfte har varit att undersöka hur väl det metodologiska tillvägagångssättet, think-aloud, kan besvara frågor med en inneboende etisk problematik, likt denna. Med andra ord; kan metodologin på ett rättvisande sätt belysa intervjupersoners tänkande kring detta slags frågor? Datainsamlingen har genomförts med hjälp av tio standardiserade think-aloud sessioner där respondenterna fått läsa en vinjett och sedan instruerats att diskutera innehållet högt (”tänka högt”) utifrån ett värdegrundsperspektiv. I studien har två olika vinjetter inkluderats varav den ena representerar könsuppdelning i en muslimsk friskola och den andra könsuppdelning i en kristen friskola, vilka har fördelats jämnt om fem var på de tio medverkande lärarstudenterna. Resultatet visar att de olika kontexterna varit avgörande för hur studenterna tolkar könsuppdelning, där den muslimska kontexten har problematiserats genom ett mer kulturrelativistisk, ”förlåtande” synsätt, medan den kristna friskolan bedömts vara icke-legitim i sitt agerande. / The main aim of this study has been to investigate how culture relativism and universalism are "translated" into the life of "everyday people". In this case, the focus has been directed towards teacher students' perceptions of gender-divided education in a private school. The secondary purpose of the study has been to investigate how well the methodological procedure, think-aloud, can answer questions with an inherent ethical problem, like this. In other words: can the methodology in a fair way illustrate interviewees thinking about this kind of questions? The collection of data has been carried out through ten standardized think-aloud sessions, where the students have been instructed to read a vignette (small text) and then think-aloud about its content from a value-based perspective. In the study, two different vignettes have been included, one of which represents gender divisions in a Muslim private school and the second represents gender division in a Christian private school. The vignettes have been divided evenly among the ten participating teacher students. The result has demonstrated that the different contexts have been decisive for how the students interpret gender-division, where the Muslim context is assessed by a more cultural relativistic, and ”forgiving” approach, while the Christian context is judged to be non-legitimate in its actions.

Toute l’histoire humaine, dans son individualité ou sa collectivité, dénote la présence d’un sens de la justice qui se confirme universellement, dans tout espace-temps, même s’il s’affirme, paradoxalement, par une dénonciation de tout ce qui est vécu comme injuste. Notre choix s’est limité à la conception de la justice selon Paul Ricœur. Notre problématique se poserait ainsi : Dans quelle mesure la justice, aussi bien juridique que sociale et politique, saurait-elle réconcilier cette dialectique de l’universel et de l’historique ? Et, par conséquent, dans quelle mesure la justice telle qu’elle se déploierait à travers cette dialectique serait-elle une justice de reconnaissance, une justice qui serait plus juste parce qu’elle reconnaîtrait aussi la valeur d’une loi que la dignité de la personne ? Par ailleurs, Ricœur considère que pour étudier la justice, il faut passer d’un cercle concentrique à un autre. L’évolution des chapitres suivra l’élargissement de ces cercles. Le premier chapitre se focalisera sur leur point centre qui gravite autour des deux notions de la personne et de la justice. Le deuxième chapitre développera le premier cercle qui se limite à l’institution judiciaire et au droit pénal. Le troisième chapitre développera la notion de la justice de l’action à l’institution. C’est le cercle de la justice civile, le deuxième cercle concentrique. Le troisième cercle de la justice s’étayera sur les quatrième et cinquième chapitres. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous nous intéresserons à la justice procédurale, à la formalisation d’un sens de la justice chez Rawls. Le cinquième chapitre débouchera sur une conception de la justice dans son rapport au pluralisme selon la philosophie de Michael Walzer et la thèse de Luc Boltanski et Laurent Thévenot. Le sixième chapitre développera la justice comme une « sagesse pratique ». La conclusion répondra à la question si la justice est reconnaissance. Nous passerons en revue la reconnaissance juridique, la reconnaissance sociale et la reconnaissance politique. / All the human history, in its individuality or its collectivity, shows the presence of a sense of Justice that is confirmed in every space-time even if it’s paradoxically affirmed by a denunciation of every unfair issue. Our choice is limited to the conception of Justice according to Paul Ricœur. The problematic statement would be the following: To what extent would the justice, either legal or social or political, be able to settle this universal and historical dialectic? Thus, to what extent would the justice, as it would be deployed through this dialectic, be a justice of recognition, a justice that would be fairer because it recognizes the law of a value as well as the dignity of a person? Moreover, Ricœur considers that, in order to study justice, one must pass from a concentric circle to another. The chapters’ progress follows these circles’ enlargement. The first chapter will focus on their center point which revolves around the notions of Person and Justice. The second chapter will develop the first circle which is limited to the judiciary institution and to the penal code. The third chapter will develop the notion of Justice from action to institution. This is the circle of the civil justice, the second concentric circle. The third circle of Justice will be expanded to the fourth and fifth chapters. In the fourth chapter, we will discuss the procedural justice, the formalization of a sense of Justice according to Rawls. The fifth chapter will be treating the conception of Justice in its pluralism according to Michael Walzer’s philosophy and Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thevenot’s thesis. The sixth chapter will develop the Justice as a “practical wisdom”. The conclusion will answer to the question if Justice is recognition. We will review the legal recognition, the social recognition and the political recognition.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

O trabalho tem como objetivo analisar noções e teses fundamentais com as quais Benhabib constrói uma concepção de espaço público universalista capaz de superar a primazia do domínio legal, o excesso de racionalismo e a cegueira de gênero das teorias morais e políticas modernas, que segundo a autora ainda estão presentes na ética do discurso de seu interlocutor direto, Jurgen Habermas. Em nossa chave de leitura, este espaço público efetivamente democrático, capaz de responder às contribuições feministas, tem como pilar central as relações ético-políticas estabelecidas em regime conversacional, sob a égide do conceito de outro concreto, num continuum com o conceito de outro generalizado. Para cumprir este objetivo, procuramos mostrar que a participação dialógica no espaço público funciona como um procedimento de validação das regras de ação, ao mesmo tempo em que são vetores na transformação moral e política dos agentes. Em seguida, expomos como o conceito de outro concreto serve de plataforma para a superação das teorias éticas centradas no direito e na justiça, possibilitando a constituição de uma ética que considere as diferenças e a inclua questões de boa vida e felicidade em seu corpo teórico. Por fim, levando em consideração as críticas feministas sobre o déficit de gênero, bem como sobre a falta de concretude das teorias morais, sinalizamos a necessidade da construção de um novo modelo de espaço público que supere tais defasagens e, neste sentido, seja efetivamente democrático. / This work aims to analyze fundamental notions and theses with which Benhabib constructs a conception of universalistic public space capable of overcoming the primacy of the legal domain, the excess of rationalism and the blindness of gender in modern moral and political theories which are still present in the Discourse Ethics of hers direct interlocutor, Jürgen Habermas. In our interpretation, this effectively democratic public space, capable of responding to feminist contributions, is based on ethical-political relations established under a conversational regime, through the concept of \"concrete other\", in a continuum with the concept of \"generalized\" other. In order to fulfill this objective, we try to show that dialogic participation in public space functions as a validation procedure for the rules of action, while at the same time they are vectors in the moral and political transformation of the agents. Following, we explain how the concept of the \"concrete other\" serves as a platform for overcoming ethical theories centered on law and justice, enabling the constitution of an ethic that considers differences and includes questions of good life and happiness in its theoretical framework. Finally, taking into account the feminist critiques of gender deficit, as well as the lack of concreteness of moral theories, we signal the need to construct a new model of public space that overcomes such lags and, in this sense, be effectively democratic.

Denna text tar sin utgångspunkt i frågan om moralisk pluralism i dagens Sverige är möjlig. Forskning visar på att en grupp präglad av mångfald kan drabbas av samarbetssvårigheter, men det motsatta är inte garant för ett gott resultat. Enligt Fredrik Gregorius anpassar sig religiösa minoriteter ofta till det omgivande samhällets ide om etik och moral. Denna text undersöker om det finns något som skulle kunna benämnas hednisk etik i Samfundet Forn Seds egen tidning. Källmaterialet består av ett flertal artiklar från #20 respektive #35-36. De teoretiska begrepp som använts är antropocentrism samt universalism, vilka härrör från judisk och kristen etisk idétradition. Materialet har studerats med en metod för argumentationsanalys framtagen av Stephen Toulmin, vilken lämpar sig väl för att lyfta fram implicita antaganden om exempelvis människan. Det huvudsakliga resultatet pekar på att det finns minst två olika typer av hednisk etik en värdeontologisk och en dygdetisk. Båda antas ha sin grund i en föreställning om förnuft och därmed betraktas som universella värden/dygder. Naturen antas dock ha värde och rättigheter oberoende av människan i och med sin helighet, vilket innebär att exempelvis värden som frihet begränsas av naturens existensberättigande. Antropocentrismen är således inte lika framträdande som inom kristendomen och judendomen, men det finns andra beröringspunkter såsom en föreställning om en naturlig lag och att etiken är förnuftsbaserad, dessa likheter sammanfaller dock inte med samtliga judiska/kristna traditioner. / This paper starts with the question whether moral pluralism is possible in Sweden or not. Research shows that a group characterized by diversity is subjected to difficulties in cooperation, but the opposite is not a guarantee for a good result. According to Fredrick Gregorius, religious minorities often adapt to the surrounding societies' idea of ethics and moral. This text investigates if there is something that can be called pagan ethics in the community Forn Seds own newspaper. The source material consists of several articles from #20 and #35-36. The theoretical concepts that have been used are anthropocentrism and universalism, which is derived from Jewish and Christian ethical traditions. The material has been studied with a method of analysis of argumentation formed by Stephan Toulmin, which is suitable for highlighting implicit assumptions. The main result shows that there are at least two different types of pagan ethics, a value ontological and a virtuous theory. Both are assumed to have their foundation in the notion of reason and thus are regarded as universal values/virtues. However, nature is believed to have values and rights independent of humans because of nature's sanctity, which means that values for example, such as freedom, is limited because of the rights of nature to exist. Anthropocentrism is not as prominent as in Christianity and Judaism, but there are points of reference such as a notion of a natural law and that ethics is based on reason, these similarities, however, do not coincide with all Jewish/Christian traditions. Keywords

À la suite de l’adoption par les institutions internationales des instruments juridiques invitant les États parties à prendre des mesures positives pour favoriser une meilleure participation des femmes à la gestion des affaires publiques, la France et le Sénégal adoptèrent des lois en faveur d’une meilleure participation des femmes à la vie politique. Les premières lois adoptées se heurtèrent à la censure des juges constitutionnels. C’est alors que des revendications naissent pour réviser la Constitution afin d’y introduire le principe de parité. Ils aboutirent à l’introduction dans la Constitution du principe d’égal accès des femmes et des hommes aux mandats électoraux et fonctions électives et à la mise en œuvre de ce principe. En plus, ce principe a été étendu et mis en œuvre dans les domaines des responsabilités sociales et professionnelles en France. Cette thèse porte sur les tenants et les aboutissants de cette solution principe. La première partie analyse les discours des partisans et des adversaires de la parité ainsi que les raisons pour lesquelles les constituants ont souscrit aux révisions constitutionnelles. La deuxième partie traite la mise en œuvre des dispositions constitutionnelles. Sont mis en lumières dans cette partie, les rythmes suivis, les difficultés rencontrées et les résultats atteints. La thèse aboutit à la conclusion que la pratique du droit est fonction des contingences internes de chaque pays. Il n’en demeure pas moins que nous avons pu dégager des lois générales qui pourront gouverner l’affirmation et la réalisation du droit. / Following the adoption by international institutions of the legal instruments inviting States parties to take positive steps to promote better participation of women in the management of public affairs, France and Senegal adopted laws participation of women in political life. The first laws passed against the censure of constitutional judges. It is then that demands are born to revise the Constitution in order to introduce the principle of parity. They led to the introduction in the Constitution of the principle of equal access of women and men to electoral mandates and elective functions and the implementation of this principle. In addition, this principle has been extended and implemented in the areas of social and professional responsibilities in France. This thesis deals with the ins and outs of this principle solution. The first part analyzes the speeches of supporters and opponents of parity as well as the reasons why the constituents have subscribed to the constitutional revisions. The second part deals with the implementation of constitutional provisions. In this section, the rhythms followed, the difficulties encountered and the results achieved are highlighted. The thesis leads to the conclusion that the practice of law depends on the internal contingencies of each country. Nevertheless, we have been able to draw up general laws which can govern the affirmation and the realization of the law.

O presente trabalho insere-se no contexto do debate entre o universalismo e o multiculturalismo dos direitos humanos. Diante da afirmação da universalidade desses direitos, juntamente com a proteção da diversidade cultural, na Declaração de Viena de 1993, buscou-se apresentar uma justificativa para o paradoxo na Filosofia do Direito. A liberdade como denominador comum entre a universalidade do fenômeno ético e as diversas manifestações culturais apontou o reconhecimento, conforme formulado por Hegel na Fenomenologia do Espírito, como fundamento possível para a universalidade dos direitos humanos. A partir disso, concebe-se uma política de tolerância para os direitos humanos, que deve ser praticada, inclusive, entre os seus estudiosos. / This research is inserted in the debates context among universalism and multiculturalism of human rights. Facing its declared universality, in association with the protection of cultural diversity, in the 1993 Vienna Declaration, a justification for this paradox in the Philosophy of Law has been searched. Freedom, as a common ground found for the universality of the ethical phenomenon and the many cultural expressions, indicated the knowledge, as Hegel formulated it in his Phenomenology of Spirit, as an actual fundament for human rights universality. From this point, a tolerance policy for human rights is conceived, and it should be practiced, also, by its scholars.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 27 / Nenhuma / Esta pesquisa reúne subsídios doutrinários direcionados aos operadores do direito ou pesquisadores, especialmente àqueles que operam ou pesquisam sobre o tema direitos humanos, haja vista que demonstra a importância de se discutir o tema e buscar o entendimento de sua fundamentação. O trabalho aponta os principais marcos históricos que construíram, ao longo anos, as bases dos direitos humanos. Trabalha a questão dos ideais universalista e relativista, como forma de fundamentação dos mesmos e lança-se ao estudo de diversos temas ligados aos direitos humanos, tais como cultura, globalização, tolerância, identidades, sociedade cosmopolita, multiculturalismo entre outros. Demonstra os diversos estudos referentes aos textos humanistas formados a partir do pós-guerra (II Guerra-Mundial), bem como trilha os movimentos que levaram às grandes revoluções do século XVIII, como o racionalismo e o constitucionalismo. Analisa o fenômeno mundial da globalização e como tem influenciado o campo dos direitos humanos. Apresenta / This investigation gathers doctrinal subsidies directed to both law operators and investigators, especially those who operate and investigate on human rights, since it shows the importance of discussing this issue and looking for its fundamentality understanding. This paper points to the main historical marks which contributed for the fundamentals of human rights. It deals with the issue of universality and relativism ideals, as a way to fundament both of them and studies several issues related to human rights like culture, globalization, tolerance, identities, cosmopolitan society and multiculturalism among others. This work shows several studies related to humanist texts built since World War II, as well as it follows movements which led to great revolutions in the XVIII century such as rationalism and constitutionalism. It analyzes the world phenomenon of globalization and how it influences human rights; presents the difference between culture and identity; points to the main declarations of human rights

This thesis explores the relationship between the colour-blind public philosophy of republicanism and the French state's policies targeting the Roma. It addresses one core research question: how did political actors use neo-republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma? To do this, it examines the discourse of French and European Union (EU) actors involved in the formulation and implementation of polices targeting the Roma from 2010 to 2016. This discourse comprised political speeches, policy reports, memos, media clippings and 50 in-depth interviews with French and EU actors. Building on Christina Boswell and James Hampshire's theory of discursive strategies, this thesis focuses on the strategic deployment of republican ideas, notably the ways in which political actors were able to exploit their polyvalence. This thesis argues that political actors used four key republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma in France. First, a commitment to universalism allowed political actors to deny accusations of ethnic targeting while pursuing policies that disproportionally targeted Roma migrants. Second, political actors deployed the idea of a 'neutral' public sphere to justify the eviction and deportation of residents living in so-called Roma camps. Third, political actors used a logic of administrative selection to predetermine which evicted 'Roma' migrants were worthy of state support. Fourth, recipients of this support were subject to a state-led process of assimilation akin to a modern 'civilising mission', which political actors defended as a necessary step towards integration. This thesis concludes that it was precisely the polyvalence of republican ideas that allowed actors to deploy them to communicate and justify discriminatory policies. In doing so, it builds upon a growing literature on the role of republicanism in contemporary French politics and provides a rich empirical study that captures the influence of a general public philosophy on specific policy decisions. Additionally, it extends recent scholarship on the treatment of the Roma in Europe and contributes to debate about the challenges of free movement in an enlarged EU.