Xiao, Wen. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-114). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

黃坤堯. / 手稿本, 複本影印手稿本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院中國語文學部. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ying yin shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 534-559). / Huang Kunyao. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan Zhongguo yu wen xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前人研究異讀的檢討 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一節 --- 古代的異讀研究 --- p.16 / Chapter j --- 《經典釋文》及其在訓詁學上承先啟後的學術地位 --- p.16 / Chapter k --- 《群經音辨》對異讀的綜合研究　 --- p.28 / Chapter l --- 宋元明清有關異讀的研究情況　 --- p.39 / Chapter 第二節 --- 當代的異讀研究 --- p.52 / Chapter j --- 西方語言學理論的影響　 --- p.52 / Chapter k --- 周祖謨、嚴學宭注意漢讀 --- p.59 / Chapter l --- 王力、Downer論詞的派生　 --- p.69 / Chapter m --- 周法高論音變　　　 --- p.80 / Chapter 第三節 --- 本文的研究方向 --- p.92 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《釋文》異讀的內容 --- p.100 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《序錄》所見的分類　 --- p.100 / Chapter j --- 意義相同 --- p.102 / Chapter k --- 區別兩字兩義或假借 --- p.105 / Chapter l --- 區別動詞和名詞 --- p.112 / Chapter m --- 虛詞異讀 --- p.118 / Chapter 第二節 --- 動詞異讀　 --- p.124 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《釋文》動詞異讀的分類研究　 --- p.151 / Chapter 第一節 --- 自敗敗他類：敗、壞、沈、解 --- p.156 / 〔辯證〕：折、斷　 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 動詞是否後帶名詞類：雨、語、禁、足、昭（炤） --- p.189 / Chapter 第三節 --- 表示動作有目的或方向類：射、刺、走、趨　 --- p.211 / Chapter 第四節 --- 治國國治類：治、解、聞、繫　 --- p.229 / Chapter 第五節 --- 染人漁人類：染、漁、縫、凌 --- p.256 / 〔辯證〕：管（館） --- p.268 / Chapter 第六節 --- 相見請見類：見、告、觀、視（示） --- p.272 / Chapter 第七節 --- 區別致使類：食、飲、啖（啗）、趣　 --- p.298 / 〔辯證〕：出、去　 --- p.314 / Chapter 第八節 --- 區別動作方向類：借、假、藉、貸、乞、稟、學 --- p.321 / 〔辯證〕：糴糶、匄 --- p.346 / Chapter 第九節 --- 區別上下尊卑類：養、仰、風　 --- p.349 / Chapter 第十節 --- 形容詞好惡遠近類：好、惡、遠、近、先、後、前、難　 --- p.362 / 〔辯證〕：卑、空、善（繕）、齊、和、調、遲、陰 --- p.410 / Chapter 第十一節 --- 形容詞高深長廣厚類：高、深、長、廣、厚 --- p.420 / Chapter 第十二節 --- 勞苦勞之類：勞、從 --- p.442 / 〔辯證〕：聽、張 --- p.456 / Chapter 第十三節 --- 勞來供養類：來、供、毀　　 --- p.464 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.478 / Chapter 第一節 --- 動詞異讀統計表及有關說明 --- p.478 / Chapter 第二節 --- 陸德明對動詞的認識難與現代語法範疇吻合　　 --- p.488 / Chapter 第三節 --- 陸德明推廣異讀的目的 --- p.499 / 注釋 --- p.504 / 附錄：主要參考書目

by Hua Dongfan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references. / Acknowledgments --- p.i / Abstract --- p.i i / Table of Contents --- p.iv / List of tables --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- The English Dative --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- The Learnability Problem --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3. --- Aims of the Present Study --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2. --- Approaches to the Acquisition of the English Dative --- p.13 / Chapter 2.1. --- Approaches to the Acquisition of the English Dative --- p.13 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- An Item-by-item Approach --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- A Semantic and Morphophonological Approach --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1.3. --- A Formal Approach --- p.19 / Chapter 2.2. --- Empirical Studies on the Acquisition of the English Dative --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- L1 Acquisition of the English Dative --- p.22 / Chapter (a) --- Mazurkewich and White (1984) --- p.22 / Chapter (b) --- White ( 1987 ) --- p.23 / Chapter (c) --- Gropen et al . (1989) --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- L2 Acquisition of the English Dative --- p.27 / Chapter (a) --- Mazurkewich ( 1984 ) --- p.27 / Chapter (b) --- Le Compagnon (1984) --- p.28 / Chapter (c) --- Hawkins ( 1987 ) --- p.31 / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Research Design and Procedure --- p.36 / Chapter 3.1. --- Test Design --- p.37 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- Test 1 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- Hypotheses --- p.44 / Chapter 3.2. --- Test 2 --- p.46 / Chapter 3.3. --- Test 3 and Test 4 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.4. --- Cloze Test --- p.50 / Chapter 3.5. --- Subjects --- p.50 / Chapter 3.6. --- Test Procedure --- p.52 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- . Results --- p.54 / Chapter 4.1. --- Scoring Method --- p.54 / Chapter 4.2. --- Results of Test 1 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Subjects' Judgments of Prepositional Datives --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Subjects' Judgments of Double-object Datives --- p.56 / Chapter 4.2.2.1. --- Performance of Native Speakers --- p.56 / Chapter 4.2.2.2. --- Performance of Secondary Students --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2.2.3. --- Performance of University Students --- p.59 / Chapter 4.2.2.4. --- The Effect of L1 --- p.62 / Chapter 4.3. --- Results of Test 2 --- p.63 / Chapter 4.4. --- Results of Test 3 and Test 4 --- p.64 / Chapter 4.5. --- Summary --- p.67 / Chapter Chapter 5. --- Discussion --- p.71 / Chapter 5.1. --- The Semantic Constraint on the English Dative --- p.71 / Chapter 5.2. --- Overgeneralization and the Learnability Problem --- p.76 / Chapter 5.3. --- L1 Influence on Dative Acquisition by Chinese ESL Learners --- p.81 / Chapter Chapter 6. --- Conclusions --- p.85 / References --- p.89 / Chapter Appendix I. --- Verb Check List --- p.93 / Chapter Appendix IIa. --- Instruction for Test 1 --- p.94 / Chapter Appendix IIb. --- Test Sentences for Test 1 --- p.96 / Chapter Appendix IIIa. --- Instruction for Test 2 --- p.103 / Chapter Appendix IIIb. --- Test Sentences for Test 2 --- p.104 / Chapter Appendix IVa. --- Instruction for Test 3 --- p.107 / Chapter Appendix IVb. --- Test Sentences for Test 3 --- p.108 / Chapter Appendix Va. --- Instruction for Test 4 --- p.110 / Chapter Appendix Vb. --- Test Sentences for Test 4 --- p.111 / Chapter Appendix VI. --- Cloze Test --- p.114

L'objectif est de déterminer si le sens attribué à la préposition provient d’un sémantisme initial, stable en langue mais susceptible de diversement se décliner en discours, ou s’il est constitué à partir de son environnement, par conséquent à partir des combinaisons opérées dans le discours lui-même. La réflexion est, dans la présente étude, centrée sur la relation de la préposition avec le verbe qui la sélectionne. Néanmoins, d'autres éléments environnants doivent être pris en considération dans la mesure où ils interviennent dans l’interprétation du sens. L'hypothèse est que la préposition possède une identité fondamentale qui fait qu'elle est choisie par le verbe en l'une des acceptions de ce dernier, afin de véhiculer un certain sens, et que, réciproquement, l'ensemble ainsi formé détermine la distribution du complément syntaxique de la préposition. Cette hypothèse repose sur l'adoption du principe, dans le point de vue retenu sur le fonctionnement de la langue, selon lequel la forme et le sens varient concomitamment. Autrement dit, une similitude de forme (par exemple la présence de la préposition à) est supposée intrinsèquement liée à une similitude de sens (il y a donc à rechercher un point commun sémantique à tous les verbes qui se construisent avec la préposition à) et, réciproquement, une différence de forme (par exemple la présence de la préposition à opposée à son absence) est supposée intrinsèquement liée à une différence de sens. L'adoption de ce principe heuristique impose, par le lien étroit que notre hypothèse institue entre le verbe et la préposition d’un côté, et entre le verbe et le syntagme prépositionnel de l’autre, d’envisager ces différents types de relations aussi bien dans des configurations formelles (syntaxiques) que dans des configurations sémantiques. Sur le plan formel, nous étions amenée à distinguer les différents types de groupes prépositionnels en fonction de leur lien plus ou moins proche avec le verbe. Notre hypothèse est que l’on peut rendre compte de la relation du verbe avec le syntagme prépositionnel qu’il régit au moyen d’un classement scalaire L’approche de la préposition à introduisant un groupe prépositionnel impose de séparer le complément de verbes des autres types de groupes prépositionnels(GP) dont les dénominations sont variés et contestables puisque les critères de définition fixés par la grammaire dite traditionnelle comme la suppression et le déplacement caractérisant habituellement le complément circonstanciel et la pronominalisation typique du complément sont insuffisamment distinctifs. Comme on trouve des compléments supprimables par exemple,elle chante (une chanson), dans l’emploi absolu du verbe, on trouve aussi des circonstants pronominalisables comme (il mange dans la cuisine, il y mange). Pour cela, le chapitre II présente deux contributions renouvelant ce que nous avons précédemment appelé « les théories classiques » : l'article de Lavieu (2006), s'affronte précisément aux difficultés que nous avons soulevées, et propose une reconfiguration terminologique et taxinomique distinguant entre « constituants » (où se rangent les « compléments » et les « ajouts ») et « incidents »Pour résoudre le problème de la distinction entre les différents types syntaxiques régis par à, nous avons opté pour un classement scalaire (idée inspirée de la théorie de l’actance de Lazard) qui détermine le degré de relation des verbes avec les différents actants régis par cette préposition. Ce classement a été fait au regard des mêmes tests syntaxiques sur un corpus illustrant la complémentation en à d’abord dans une structure simple et ensuite dans une structure double.Ainsi, nous avons tenté de caractériser formellement les GP en à régis par le verbe dans les différentes structures dans lesquelles ils figurent. Notre classement scalaire a montré qu’il y a une graduation dans le rapport du verbe avec le complément allant du degré le plus fort au degré le plus faible... / The objective of this thesis is to determine whether the meaning attributed to the preposition is primarily semantic or not. The aim is then to prove that though it is grammatically fixed, it can vary since it is shaped by its context, thereby assembled by multiple discourse combinations. In the present research, the focus is then centred on the study of the relationship between the preposition and the verb it determines. Accordingly, several other related elements will be studied as they intervene in the act of interpreting meaning itself. The thesis of this Ph.D dissertation suggests that the preposition has a given core identity which is determined by the verb itself and which by implication determines the meaning and the nature of the syntactic complement as well.This thesis contends then that form and meaning do vary considerably but still simultaneously. In other words, what determines form determines by implication meaning as well. The present thesis seeks then to study the different aspects and mechanics of the relationship between the verb and its preposition.In the present thesis, the study of the preposition requires all verb complements to remain separate from the different types of prepositional groups. The second chapter attempts then to re-examine the contentions of classical theories, particularly with reference to Laview’s article (2006). In order to effectively study the multiple differences and distinctions between the different syntactic classes, a scalar approach is adopted. The findings demonstrate in fact that the relationship between the verb and its complement is constantly varying. Actually, the fifth chapter of the second part includes the corpus needed to attest the research questions.The semantic research part of the present thesis, seeks in fact to further elaborate the principle that relates meaning to form. In order to demonstrate that, the approach has been based on the characteristics of the syntactic complements which are actually the main target of the analysis in the first part of the thesis.Conducting then a comparative analysis of different types of verbs which are all related by their respective preposition complement “à”, the following findings are deduced:- The nature of the verb is determined by the type of the preposition- The preposition introduces its complement meanwhile identifying the nature of the verb itself- Regardless of the nature or the type of the verb, what the preposition adds to meaning remains the sameThe main objective of this research work is then to offer new and pertinent assumptions concerning the role and function of the preposition “à”, meanwhile still taking into consideration former critical assumption advocated by Grévisse, Gougenheim, Guillaume, Pottier and Cadiot°. Since the main focus of this research work is to study the semantic identity of the preposition “à”, the approach has been based on an attempt to validate or refute all former semantic assumptions presented by former writers, exploring then the different aspects of the relationship between the verb and the preposition based of the corpus of LVF. The analysis of the different examples studied required also that a nominalisation test and a telicity test should be conducted. The following are the main findings:- There is no definite syntactic difference between the verb and the nominalised structure- The empirical study of LVF which seeks to distinguish the different dative cases reveals that the idea of interchangeability is not at the very basis of the meaning of the verb itself- The lexical dative does not automatically entail deletion of the GP since the idea of interchangeability is primarily expressed by the meaning of the verb itself- The preposition “à” designates both the origin and the recipient as well. It is a in fact linear retrospective movement which allows the process of interchangeability

No presente trabalho, analiso o comportamento funcional dos verbos vir e virar, no português brasileiro contemporâneo, desde a sua atuação em estruturas simples à formação de estruturas complexas. Desenvolvida sob o paradigma do funcionalismo lingüístico, esta dissertação baseiase em dados de língua falada, coletados a partir do banco de dados do projeto PEUL e NURC. A fim de sustentar a hipótese que permeia o objetivo deste trabalho, também foram coletados dados de língua escrita e falada através do mecanismo de busca Google e, também, do corpusdoportugues.org. A partir da amostra constituída, verifico a possibilidade de derivação de um uso a outro, os quais são organizados em padrões funcionais. Desta forma, são demonstrados casos em que, à medida que novas estruturas são colocadas em uso, os verbos, em análise, apresentam, gradativamente, um desgaste semântico, seguindo, assim, uma linha unidirecional de desenvolvimento. Em oposição aos estudos de gramaticalização que, segundo os autores, visam a um percurso unilinear quanto ao desenvolvimento de um léxico em que podemos reconhecer pontos e estabelecer derivações entre esses pontos, testo a validade da teoria multissitêmica, que nega o processo de derivação. As discussões tecidas culminam com a formulação de questionamento relativo à direção de mudança assumida pelos itens: vir e virar percorreriam um caminho unidirecional ou multidirecional de desenvolvimento? Apresento, então, evidências de que ao mesmo tempo em que há a derivação, apresentando, assim, um desgaste gradativo de desenvolvimento, há também a simultaneidade de processos. Ainda, com base nos dados expostos, observo o uso de uma estrutura que permanece fora do âmbito da literatura lingüística. Tratase das estruturas que apresentam seqüências verbais, aqui rotuladas de serialização verbal, em que o verbo que ocupa a primeira posição da sentença apresentase quase ou totalmente dessemantizado, podendo assumir uma categorização sintática de VERBOS QUASESERIAIS ou de VERBOS SERIAIS. / In the present work, I analyze the functional behavior of the verbs to come (VIR) and to turn (VIRAR), in the contemporary Brazilian Portuguese, from their performance in simple structures to the formation of complex structures. This dissertation is developed under the paradigm of the linguistic functionalism and it is based on data from spoken language, these were collected from the data base of PEUL and NURC projects. In order to support the hypothesis that permeates the aim of this work, there had been also collected from the written and spoken language through the mechanism of Google search and, also, corpusdoportugues.org. I verify the possibility of derivation between one use or another when facing the collected samples, which are organized in functional standards. In such a way, cases are demonstrated where to the measure that new structures are placed in use, the analyzed verbs present semantic erosion in a gradual way, thus following a unidirectional line of development. In opposition to the grammaticalization studies that, according to authors, they aim a unidirectional route about the development of a lexicon, that is a representation through a line, in which we can recognize points and establish derivations among these points, I test the validity of the multissistemic theory when denying the derivation process. The studies point to an unknown/incognito formation presents among the investigated theories in this work: would to come (VIR) and to turn (VIRAR) go through a unidirectional or multidirectional way of development? In accordance with the achieved occurrences/tokens, I notice that at the same time where it has the hypothesis of that a use has derived from another one, presenting, then, a development gradual erosion, there also. Still, based on the displayed data, I observe the use of a structure that remains outside of the scope of linguistic literature. These structures are formed from a minimum sequence of V1 and V2, in which V1 corresponds to one of the verbs to come (VIR) and to turn (VIRAR) and V2 is relatively free. In this work, these types of constructions are dealt with as a verbal case of 6 serialization, and V1 is presented almost or total dessemanticized, which assumes a syntactic categorization of ALMOSTSERIAIS VERBS or SERIAL VERBS.

English has an extraordinary number of labile verbs, that is, verbs that can be used both transitively with a causative sense and intransitively with an inchoative sense. This corpus-based study investigates the evolution of the verb grow from exclusively intransitive to labile in British English in the Late Modern English period. A random sample of 500 instances of the verb grow was drawn from the period 1710-1780 as well as from the period 1850-1920 of the Corpus of Late Modern English Texts in order to track diachronic changes. The instances in the samples were categorized according to their verb pattern and type of complement (if any), and instances of the past participle grown were also categorized based on the auxiliary used (be/have/none). The study suggests that grow came to be used transitively when resultative intransitive constructions (e.g. be grown (over)) were reanalyzed as passives; that the use of noun phrase complements with copular grow decreased and became archaic to make the distinction between copular and transitive uses less ambiguous; and that the fact that the be-auxiliary was replaced by the have-auxiliary in perfect constructions helped avoid ambiguity between intransitive and transitive uses of grow. Thus, the study provides some empirical evidence for Visser's (1963) hypothesis that the change from be- to have-perfects played a central role in the acquisition of lability.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / O trabalho ora apresentado versa sobre o aspecto verbal nas formas perifrÃsticas encontradas no portuguÃs oral culto de Fortaleza. Inicialmente fazemos uma exposiÃÃo sobre o que alguns autores entendem por perÃfrase, de modo a formar uma opiniÃo a respeito das formas perifrÃsticas que controlamos em nosso trabalho. Em seguida, focalizamos o aspecto, em geral, a fim de examinarmos o corpus, extraÃdo do PORCUFORT. ApÃs estudarmos diversas teorias sobre o aspecto, escolhemos a teoria de Coseriu, baseada no estruturalismo funcional, porque ela parte de dois pontos bÃsicos: a) diferencia Aktionsart de aspecto; b) distingue aspecto de modo. Aplicando a doutrina de Coseriu ao corpus, constatamos a confirmaÃÃo de algumas de nossas hipÃteses, como: a) a riqueza de aspectualidade nas formaÃÃes perifrÃsticas com gerÃndio, com os verbos auxiliares andar, viver, ficar, ir, vir estar, sendo este Ãltimo de particular destaque; b) o uso, quase exclusivo, do verbo ter em lugar de haver na formaÃÃo dos tempos compostos; c) a produtividade de ter (imp.) + particÃpio, em substituiÃÃo a tivera, forma simples do pretÃrito mais que perfeito do indicativo; d) a ausÃncia de algumas formas, como terei feito, tivera feito, fora fazer. Alguns fatos nos surpreenderam: a) o baixo Ãndice de utilizaÃÃo na formaÃÃo de tempos compostos com ter em relaÃÃo ao que esperÃvamos, mesmo porque esse verbo substitui, quase que completamente, o verbo haver, nessa posiÃÃo; b) o baixo Ãndice de entrelaÃamento entre as dimensÃes temporais e as aspectuais. / This dissertation is a result of a research on the verbal aspect of periphrastical forms of the spoken oral portuguese of Fortaleza. First I examine bibliographical references about these forms so as to take a decision on which parameters I have to adopt to define them. Then I focus aspect in a general way in order to examine the corpus, from PORCUFORT. After studying diverse theories about aspect, I chose Coseriuâs theory based upon structural functionalism, because it starts from two basic points: a) it makes difference between Aktionsart and aspect; b) it distinguishes aspect from mood. Applying Coseriuâs theory to the corpus, I came to these conclusions that confirm some of my hypotheses: a) the use of main verb in gerund with the auxiliary verb andar, viver, ficar, ir and estar is expressive to engender aspect; b) estar is particularly remarkable among these verbs; c) the number of main verbs in participle with the auxiliary verb ter is noticiable and the use of this verb surpassed haver; c) the use of ter (imp) + participle is employed instead of the simple form tivera; d) some forms, such as terei feito, tivera feito, fora fazer are absent. Some facts surprised me a) in spite of its significant use, if compared to haver, the use of ter did not correspond to my expectations; b) the number of exemples in which tense and aspect are linked is insignificant.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho visa a caracterizar formal, semÃntica e pragmaticamente as construÃÃes com verbo-suporte botar; considerando que, dentro desse âguarda-chuvaâ que se denominou verbo-suporte, hà estruturas com comportamentos sintÃtico-semÃnticos distintos. A partir das caracterÃsticas sintÃtico-semÃnticas das construÃÃes com verbo-suporte, verificaram-se trÃs graus de fluidez categorial: construÃÃes com verbo-suporte que estÃo mais prÃximas das construÃÃes livres (grau 1), construÃÃes com verbo-suporte consideradas prototÃpicas (grau 2) e construÃÃes que estÃo mais prÃximas das expressÃes cristalizadas (grau 3). A pesquisa enfocou o uso das construÃÃes botar + SN/SP em PortuguÃs e define as propriedades morfossintÃticas e semÃnticas que botar assume ao se vincular à categoria de verbo-suporte. A investigaÃÃo criteriosa sobre as propriedades de seleÃÃo de botar e seu comportamento sintÃtico-semÃntico em construÃÃes botar + SN/SP forneceu ainda subsÃdios para se descreverem diferentes empregos de botar nesse tipo de estrutura e, assim, se delinear uma cadeia de gramaticalizaÃÃo desse verbo. A base teÃrica linguÃstica de exame à a teoria funcionalista da linguagem, a qual reformula o corte rÃgido entre os verbos plenos e verbos-suporte, tratando esta categoria em uma perspectiva escalar e nÃo discreta. Os corpora (Norpofor, Porcufort e o DUP) de anÃlise compreendem ocorrÃncias de Vsup nas modalidades formal e informal do portuguÃs do Brasil, sem que se fixe como objetivo do trabalho pesquisar especificamente diferenÃas entre essas modalidades, mas com a hipÃtese de que a complexidade das CVSup nÃo poderia representar-se da mesma forma nessas modalidades de lÃngua. Realizou-se, com esta pesquisa, uma sistematizaÃÃo semÃntico-sintÃtica de expressÃes com verbo-suporte botar que apresentam graus de fluidez categorial. Para tanto, recorreu-se a anÃlises mÃltiplas que envolvem a descriÃÃo semÃntico-sintÃtica das expressÃes e a verificaÃÃo de parÃmetros que influenciam a fluidez e a depreensÃo de seus nÃveis. Os resultados demonstram ainda que a produtividade de botar na norma popular à maior do que na norma culta. No portuguÃs culto de Fortaleza, constatamos uma frequÃncia menor do verbo botar, confirmando nossa hipÃtese de que o processo de gramaticalizaÃÃo à mais lento na modalidade culta, embora, mesmo em menor quantidade, jà haja indÃcios de gramaticalizaÃÃo. ApÃs uma anÃlise geral nos sÃculos XVIII, XIX e XX, constatamos que hà um aumento da frequÃncia do verbo botar ao longo dos sÃculos. Tal fato confirma que esse verbo està em processo de gramaticalizaÃÃo contÃnuo. A descriÃÃo de cada um desses nÃveis (com os parÃmetros definidos na anÃlise e os exemplos extraÃdos dos corpora) explicitou que o verbo botar, na categoria de verbos-suporte, pode fazer parte tanto de estruturas mais integradas quanto de estruturas menos integradas, conforme essas construÃÃes se aproximam ou se distanciam do protÃtipo de uma construÃÃo com verbo-suporte. / This work aims to provide some formal, semantic and pragmatic characterization of the support verb âbotarâ, since the wideness concerning this verb presents distinctive syntactical and semantical behaviors in its structure. From the characteristics of the syntactical and semantical constructions of the verb, three degrees of categorical flushness were explored: free constructions, prototypical constructions and structures which are nearly crystalize. The research was concentrated in the constructions âbotar+SN/SPâ in Brazilian Portuguese, establishing the morpho-syntactical and semantical which the verb âbotarâ assumes when it is constructed as a support verb. The rigorous investigation of the selection properties of âbotarâ and its syntactical and semantical behavior in the âbotar+SN/SPâ structure provided support to describe different employments of the verb, hence leading to a chain of grammatical structures. The linguistic theoretical base used is the functionalism theory of language, which allows to precisely separating ordinary verbs from the support verbs, by treating their aspects in a scalar, rather discrete perspective. The corpus used in the analysis consists of Vsup occurrences in formal and informal Brazilian Portuguese language, however without restricting to only the differences among these modalities, but also using the hypothesis that the CVSup complexity could not be represented in these language modalities. The research allowed to create a systematic syntactical and semantical of expression involving the support verb which present degrees of categorical flushness. In order to achieve that, multiple analyses were conducted in which the syntactical and semantical descriptions of the expressions, in addition to the use of parameters which influences the flushness and the comprehension. As a result of the research, the productivity of the verb is more evident in the popular rather than in the formal usage. In particular, in formal Portuguese of Fortaleza, we verified a lower frequency of use, which confirms our starting hypothesis that the grammaticalization is slower in the formal language, although we could note that it has started already. After detailed analyses in the XVIII, XIX and XX centuries, we concluded that the usage of the verb has been increasing in the past few centuries, in fact the verb is having a gradual continuous grammaticalization. According to the analysis parameters and the examples obtained from the corpus, the description of each of those levels showed that the verb âbotarâ, within the support verb category, can be part of both the less and more integrated structures, depending on the how close those constructions are from the prototype of a support verb construction.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente dissertaÃÃo descreve o comportamento do verbo botar considerando, num continuum de gramaticalizaÃÃo, dois extremos para a categorizaÃÃo de suas extensÃes de uso: a de verbo predicador pleno e a de verbo-suporte. A pesquisa enfoca o uso das construÃÃes botar + SN/SP em PortuguÃs e define as propriedades morfossintÃticas e semÃnticas que botar assume ao se vincular a categoria de verbo-suporte. A investigaÃÃo criteriosa sobre as propriedades de seleÃÃo de botar e seu comportamento sintÃtico-semÃntico em construÃÃes botar + SN contou com dados pertencentes a corpora escritos e orais do portuguÃs brasileiro e forneceu subsÃdios para se descreverem diferentes empregos de botar nesse tipo de estrutura e, assim, se delinear uma cadeia de gramaticalizaÃÃo de botar (de verbo predicador a verbo-suporte). Os resultados demonstram que a produtividade de botar por cada uma das duas variedades regionais (Rio de Janeiro e CearÃ) à mais produtivo na norma popular oral do CearÃ. No portuguÃs oral culto de Fortaleza, constatamos uma frequÃncia menor do verbo botar, confirmando nossa hipÃtese de que o processo de gramaticalizaÃÃo à mais lento na modalidade culta, embora, mesmo em menor quantidade, jà haja indÃcios de gramaticalizaÃÃo. ApÃs uma anÃlise geral nos sÃculos XIX e XX, constatamos que hà um aumento da frequÃncia do verbo botar ao longo dos sÃculos. Tal fato confirma que esse verbo està em processo de gramaticalizaÃÃo contÃnuo. Os resultados demonstraram ainda que as estruturas complexas com botar reÃnem construÃÃes cujos componentes (verbo-suporte + elemento nÃo-verbal) apresentam seis graus de integraÃÃo. A descriÃÃo de cada um desses nÃveis (com os parÃmetros definidos na anÃlise e os exemplos extraÃdos dos corpora) explicitou que o verbo botar, na categoria de verbo-suporte, pode fazer parte tanto de estruturas mais integradas quanto de estruturas menos integradas, de acordo com que essas construÃÃes se aproximam ou se distanciam do protÃtipo de uma construÃÃo com verbo-suporte. / The present dissertation describes the behave of the botar verb considering, in a grammaticalization continuum, two extremes for the categorization of its usage extensions: full verb predicator and support verb. The research focuses the use of botar constructions + NP/PP in Portuguese and it also defines the morphosyntatic and semantic properties that âbotarâ takes on when it is linked to the support verb category. The thorough investigation about the selection properties of botar and its syntatic-semantic behavior in botar constructions + NP counted with data that belong to the oral and written corpora from brazilian portuguese. The investigation provided subsidies to describe different usages of botar in the mentioned structure and, thus, delineate a grammaticalization chain of botar (from predicator verb to support verb). The results show that the productivity of botar for each one of the two regional varieties (Rio de Janeiro e CearÃ) is more productive in the popular oral norm of CearÃ. In the oral cultured Portuguese of Fortaleza, we noticed a smaller frequency of the botar verb, confirming our hyposthesis of that the grammaticalization process is slower in the cultured modality, though, even in smaller amount, there are already grammaticalization evidences. After a general analysis in the XIX and XX centuries, we noticed that there is a frequency increase of the botar verb during the centuries. This fact confirms that the verb is in a continuous process of grammaticalization. The results also demonstrate that the complex structures with botar gather constructions whose components (support verb + non-verbal element) present six integration levels. The description of each one of these levels (with the parameters defined in the analysis and the examples extracted from the corpora) showed that the botar verb, in the support verb category, can take part in more integrated structures as well as in less integrated ones, depending on whether these constructions get closer or move away of the prototype of a construction with a support verb.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo descrever a estrutura argumental da língua Karitiana (grupo Tupi, família Arikém, aproximadamente 400 falantes) em uma perspectiva descritiva e teórica. Nesse trabalho, buscou-se o desafio de descrever as classes verbais da língua com base em uma teoria formal: a teoria de estrutura argumental de Hale e Keyser (2002). O trabalho encontra-se dividido em duas partes. Na parte I, descreve-se a morfossintaxe das classes verbais. Na parte II, foram analisadas, em termos de estrutura argumental, as evidências morfossintáticas notadas no padrão verbal. A segunda parte, ainda, oferece uma análise preliminar para a estrutura passiva impessoal em Karitiana, dentro da teoria Gerativa. A transitivização, a passivização, a construção de cópula e o padrão de concordância funcionam como evidências morfossintáticas para descrever classes verbais na língua. Todos os verbos intransitivos podem ser afetados pela causativização sintética (transitivização) através de um morfema causativo que permite a adição de um argumento externo (o sujeito agente ou causa) a uma sentença intransitiva, tornando-a transitiva. Através do morfema de passiva impessoal em Karitiana, é possível transformar um verbo biargumental em monoargumental, apagando o sujeito original da sentença transitiva. O morfema de passiva é adicionado apenas a um verbo minimamente biargumental ou a um verbo intransitivo que tenha sido antes transitivizado via . A construção de cópula nesta língua apresenta uma estrutura bioracional (S Copula minioração) em que a cópula toma como complemento uma minioração. No núcleo desta minioração, pode entrar apenas um verbo intransitivo, um adjetivo ou um nome. O padrão de concordância ergativo-absolutiva é o último diagnóstico utilizado como evidência de valência na língua. Com base nestas evidências, foram descritas três classes verbais: uma classe de verbos intransitivos (formada por 3 subclasses: composta de intransitivos comuns, de intransitivos com objeto oblíquo e sujeito experienciador e, por último, a subclasse de intransitivos locativos), uma classe de verbos transitivos e uma terceira classe composta por verbos bitransitivos. Esta última tem um objeto direto com papel semântico ALVO e um objeto indireto, marcado obliquamente (com a posposição ty) com papel TEMA. Os verbos intransitivos com objeto oblíquo apresentam um comportamento especial, comportando-se, morfossintaticamente e em termos de alternância, como os demais intransitivos, mas projetando em sua estrutura um complemento oblíquo, o que leva a considerar que eles são sintaticamente intransitivos e semanticamente transitivos. Concluimos que todos os verbos intransitivos nesta língua têm o comportamento de verbos inacusativos do tipo alternante. Na proposta de Hale e Keyser, os verbos são formados, estrutural e hierarquicamente, a partir de duas estruturas básicas (monádica e diádica) nucleadas pelos núcleos verbais (V1 e V2). Deste modo, os verbos do Karitiana descritos como intransitivos são analisados como verbos diádicos compostos, em conformidade com suas propriedades alternantes. Os verbos intransitivos com objeto oblíquo e aqueles verbos intransitivos locativos foram analisados como verbos diádicos compostos com complemento oblíquo (P-complemento). Os verbos bitransitivos são analisados como diádicos básicos. Apenas os verbos transitivos em Karitiana podem ser analisados como verbos monádicos. / This masters thesis aims to describe the argument structure in Karitiana (Tupi branch, Arikém family, about 400 speakers) both in a theoretical and in a descriptive perspective. In this work, the challenge is to describe the verb classes identified in Karitiana in the formal theory of argument structure proposed by Hale and Keyser (2002). The work is divided in two parts. In Part I, the morphosyntax of the verb classes is described. In Part II, the verb patterns were analyzed in terms of their argument structure. Still in this part, a preliminary analysis of the structure of the impersonal passive is presented, inside the Generativist framework. All instransitive verbs may be affected by the synthetic causativization (transitivization) in which a causative morpheme allows the addition of an external argument (the subject) to an intransitive sentence, transitivizing it. By the use of the impersonal passive in Karitiana it is possible to turn a bi-argumental verb into a mono-argumental one, causing the demotion of the initial subject and the promotion of the initial object to subject of the passive. The passive morpheme is added only to a transitive verb or to an intransitive verb which has been first transitivized via . The copular construction in Karitiana presents a biclausal structure (Subject + copular verb + small clause) in which the copular verb selects a small clause as its complement. Copular verbs can only select complements headed by nouns, adjectives or intransitive verbs. If a transitive verb is added to the head of the small clause, the sentence is ungrammatical. However, if a transitive verb has undergone a passivization process via , that verb may be the head of the small clause. The ergative-absolutive agreement pattern is also used as evidence of valency in Karitiana. Based on this evidence, three verbal classes were described: a large class of intransitive verbs (with three subclasses, one of common intransitive verbs, another of intransitive verbs with oblique objects and experiencer subjects, and one of intransitive locatives), a class of transitive verbs, and a third class of ditransitive verbs. The latter presents a direct object with the semantic role GOAL, whereas the indirect object is a THEME, marked as oblique (with the postposition ty). These intransitive verbs with an oblique object are part of a special subclass of intransitives because they behave, in terms of morphosyntax and valency, as other intransitive verbs, but they also project in their structure an oblique complement; it seems to be the case that they are syntactically intransitive and semantically transitive. We conclude that all intransitive verbs in Karitiana have the behavior of unaccusative verbs that may alternate. In Hale and Keysers proposal, verbs are formed, in structural and hierachical terms, from two basic structures (monadic and dyadic) headed by the verbal heads (V1 and V2). Thus, the Karitiana verbs described as common intransitives are analyzed as dyadic because of their alternation properties. The intransitives with oblique objects and the locative intransitives were analyzed as composite dyadic with oblique complements (P-complements). The ditransitive verbs are analyzed as basic dyadic, and only the transitive verbs in Karitiana may be analyzed as projecting monadic argument structures.