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The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s - namely Croatia/ Bosnia (1991-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999) - were the focus of unprecedented, and uninformed, international attention. This attention accepted at face value an ethnic rationale for the conflict that was often peddled by the combatants themselves; such rationales served to mask the economic and political aspirations of engaged state- and non-state actors. The wars allowed organised crime to take root and proliferate exponentially across geographical, political, and economic spheres. It became a tool of states, militaries and militias; states co-opted criminals, and vice-versa. The Serbian state became a criminal entity (as did, to a lesser extent, surrounding states) in partial control of a thoroughly criminalised regional combat economy, often in collusion with supposed ethnic `enemies.¿ Reconstruction, development, and governance interventions conducted by international actors in the successor states of the former Yugoslavia remain stifled by an absence of understanding of both the systematic infrastructural presence of organised crime, and a lack of acknowledgement of the economic rationales underlying the wars themselves.

The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreover, they analyze the political legacies and mnemonic practices in the aftermath of this military intervention by highlighting the opposing narratives of memory politics in Kosovo and Serbia.

<p>Istorijsko razdoblje u Jugoslaviji, u drugoj polovini &scaron;ezdesetih godina 20. veka, nakon otpoĉinjanja privredne reforme i Brionskog plenuma, poznato je po svojim reformskim karakteristikama. Temeljna reforma ekonomskog sistema, ubrzo je pro&scaron;irena i na ostale segmente dru&scaron;tva i uticala je na promenu samog karaktera federalistiĉkog ustrojstva, kao i na decentralizaciju vladajuće partije. U Srbiji su modernizacijske i reformistiĉke tendencije, koje su odnele prevagu u dru&scaron;tvu, najcelovitije bile izraţene u vreme rukovodstva Saveza komunista ove republike, na ĉijem ĉelu se nalazio Marko Nikezić (1968&ndash;1972). U radu su istraţeni spoljnopolitiĉki segmenti jugoslovenskog reformskog usmerenja, analizom kauzalnih odnosa sa istoĉnim i zapadnim hladnoratovskim blokom. Polazeći od strukturne krize u prvoj polovini &scaron;ezdesetih, istraţena je ekonomska i idejna osnova privredne reforme, odgovor na nju sa stanovi&scaron;ta levo radikalne studentske pobune 1968., kao i politiĉki dometi Brionskog plenuma. U radu se istraţuju i reforma i reogranizacija SKJ, su&scaron;tinska decentralizacija jugoslovenskog federalizma, kao i odnosi reformskog rukovodstva Srbije sa drugim jugoslovenskim republikama i jugoslovenskim predsednikom Titom.<br />Posebna paţnja u radu je posvećena partijskom rukovodstvu Marka Nikezića i njegovim temeljnim programskim usmerenjima, promovisanim pod idejom &bdquo;Moderne Srbije&ldquo;. Ideje socijalistiĉke demokratizacije, sa povećanom ulogom autonomnih segmenata dru&scaron;tva, po&scaron;tovanje institucionalnog okvira i insistiranje na kompetentnosti, znaĉajno su umanjili realan pritisak politiĉkih struktura na dru&scaron;tvo, jaĉajući ga na raĉun drţave. TakoĊe, svojim razumevanjem Jugoslavije kao sloţene drţave, odbacivanjem uloge Srbije kao ĉuvara Jugoslavije, odbacivanjem patronata nad Srbima u drugim republikama, povećanim samoupravnim pravima pokrajina &ndash; temeljno i su&scaron;tinski je napravljen diskontinuitet sa svim centralistiĉkim i nacionalistiĉkim pojavama u Srbiji. Ovakva politika odve&scaron;će partijsko rukovodstvo republike u sukob sa predstavnicima nacionalistiĉke kritiĉke inteligencije. U radu su analizirane i<br />ekonomske postavke, kao i spoljnopolitiĉka orijentacija rukovodstva SK Srbije, kao i njihova kulturna politika, koja je imala intenciju da ponudi alternativu postojećim obrascima u ovoj oblasti dru&scaron;tva. Naposletku, istraţen je sukob koncepcija unutar rukovodstva Srbije, njihove meĊusobne razlike, kao i Titova arbitraţa u korist jedne strane, koja će kljuĉne reformske protagoniste modernizacije ukloniti sa politiĉke i javne scene Srbije i Jugoslavije.</p> / <p>History of Yugoslavian in the second half of the 1960s, after the initiation of economic reforms and Brioni Plenary Session, is characterized by the reform attempts. Fundamental reform of the economic system was soon expanded on other parts of society, affected the federalist character of the state and led towards the decentralization of the ruling party. In Serbia, modernizing and reformist tendencies that have prevailed in the society, were in the most comprehensive way expressed at the time of the leadership of the League of Communists of Serbia by Marko Nikezić (1968-1972). In the beginning dissertation deals with foreign policy aspects of Yugoslav reform orientation by analyzing interrelatedness with Cold War policy of Great Powers. Starting from the structural crisis in the first half of the 1960s, economic and ideological basis of economy reform was researched, as well as the response from the radical left with the Students rebellion in 1968 and political achievements of the Brioni Plenary Session. Dissertation also explores reform and reorganization of the LSY, fundamental decentralization of Yugoslav federal system, as well as relations of leaders of Serbian reformist movement with other Yugoslav republics and president Tito.<br />Particular attention is paid to the leaders of Serbian party and to its basic program guidelines, promoted under the idea of &quot;Modern Serbia&quot;. Ideas of socialist democratization, with the increasing role of autonomous parts of society, respect of institutional framework and insisting on competence, have eroded existing pressure of political structure on the society, strengthening it at the expense of the state. Also, their understanding of Yugoslavia as a composite state, rejecting of the role of Serbia as a guardian of Yugoslavia, declining patronage of Serbs in other republics, increased self-&nbsp;government of the provinces &ndash; made fundamental and essential discontinuity with all the centralist and nationalist developments in Serbia. This policy led the Serbian party leadership in conflict with the representatives of the nationalist intellectuals. Dissertation analyzes economic attitudes, foreign policy orientation, as well as cultural policy of the Serbian party leadership, which had the intention to offer an alternative to existing patterns of society development. Finally, we studied the conflict of different concepts within the leadership of Serbia, their differences, and Tito arbitration in favor of one side, with decisive consequences that led towards the removal of key figures of modernization attempt from the political and public scene of Serbia and Yugoslavia.</p>

Legacy of ICTY and its Impact on Statute and Case Law of ICC Establishing of International Criminal Court is a significant moment in evolution of international criminal law. It is the first permanent institution of international justice with personal jurisdiction and it was founded for one purpose only - to finally end the era of impunity for war criminals all over the world. But ICC didn't appear from nowhere. There was a long road towards its establishment and who knows if it would ever happen without influence of so called ad hoc tribunals, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. It is a sad truth that international criminal law made its biggest evolution as a reflection of the world's most horrible conflicts. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze a legacy of one of these tribunals, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and to explore its influence not only on the Statute of International Criminal Court, but also on its case law. International Criminal Court is not operating for long, but we can still notice many references on ICTY case law in its judgments. The reason for this research is my particular relation towards Balkan region as well as my interest in international justice in general. The thesis is composed...

This diploma thesis deals with the depiction of the role of media and journalists in war conflicts. It analyses the way the film producers portray media and journalistic work, their characters and abilities. The analysis also looks for attributes of professional journalistic routine in the hostile environment of the war zones, how media and journalists communicate with each other, the way they interact with civilians, soldiers, how critical they are towards the official establishment line of their editors or governments. The method used for analysing the feature and documentary films was the qualitative content analysis. After seeing the films several times, eleven categories that represented best the groups of similarities concerning media and journalists were defined throughout the analysed films. After that, charts were created where brief descriptions of categories and data were lined up and then compared. The next part of the analysis inspects these data even deeper. The result shows how the film makers depict journalistic routines and which stereotypes they use. We also learn whether the picture of the journalists differs according to each of the conflicts when we know that there were utterly different motivations behind them.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: O trabalho tem como objeto a perspectiva da Rússia sobre a neutralidade da Sérvia, isto é, a política do país balcânico de não entrada em alianças militares como a OTAN e seu não alinhamento às políticas ocidentais contrárias à Rússia, como sanções e outras resoluções de caráter oficial, que implicam a potencial limitação da integração da Sérvia à União Europeia. Precisamente, objetiva-se compreender: as motivações de tal postura por parte da Rússia com respeito à Sérvia; as razões pelas quais Rússia e Sérvia não desenvolveram uma aliança militar e os motivos pelos quais Moscou não buscou incluir o país dos Bálcãs de forma plena nos projetos de integração política, econômica e securitária liderados pela Rússia; e a maneira como a pauta da neutralidade evoluiu nas relações bilaterais. Nesse sentido, o trabalho avança três argumentos principais. Em primeiro lugar, a defesa russa da neutralidade sérvia se deve primariamente a considerações políticas-ideacionais: ainda que o peso da Sérvia em termos geopolíticos e militares possua significado periférico para Moscou, o posicionamento externo do país balcânico implica uma convergência com as concepções russas sobre a arquitetura de segurança na Europa no Pós-Guerra Fria. Em segundo lugar, a opção pela defesa da neutralidade se impôs sobre a de uma aliança militar e da inclusão plena da Sérvia em projetos de integração russos em virtude, além da indisposição sérvia para tanto, da percepção de repercussões periféricas do posicionamen... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The object of this work is Russia’s perspective on Serbia’s neutrality, that is, the Balkan country’s policy of non-accession to military alliances such as NATO and its non alignment with Western policies contrary to Russia, such as sanctions and other official resolutions, which imply the potential limitation of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. Precisely, this study aims to understand: the reasons behind such positioning by Russia regarding Serbia; the reasons why Russia and Serbia did not develop a military alliance, as well as the reasons why Moscow did not seek to fully include Serbia in political, security and economic integration projects led by Russia; and the way the neutrality agenda evolved in bilateral relations. In this connection, this study advances three main arguments. First, Russia’s defense of Serbian neutrality owes primarily to political-ideational considerations: even if Serbia’s weight in geopolitical and military terms has peripheral meaning for Moscow, the Balkan country’s external positioning implies a convergence with Russian conceptions of the post-Cold War European security architecture. Second, the option for the defense of neutrality has imposed itself over those of a military alliance and the full inclusion of Serbia in Russian integration projects because of, besides Serbia’s own unwillingness to do so, the perception of peripheral repercussions of Serbia’s positioning to Russia’s security in its rivalry with the Western powers. To... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Après 1966, l’inefficacité du système économique, politique et idéologique de la Fédération yougoslave amène la population à vivre une profonde crise morale, visible dans l’effondrement des idéaux titistes et dans l’incapacité des élites politiques à reconnaître leur échec dans la gestion de la société. Les dirigeants du système autogestionnaire ont toujours cru que les différents peuples qui composaient le pays pouvaient vivre en harmonie grâce à l’unité idéologique et au Parti. Pourtant, ces deux éléments sont plongés dans une crise profonde après la mort de Tito. À partir de 1980, les élites politiques et l’intelligentsia yougoslave jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décomposition du pays, qui s’accélère avec l’explosion des conflits nationalistes, la disparition de la guerre froide et l’instauration de la nouvelle ère globale. / After 1966, the inefficiency of the economic, political and ideological system of the Yugoslav Federation brought the population to a deep moral crisis. This is visible in the collapse of the Tito’s ideals and in the inability of the political elites to recognize their failure in the management of the society. The leaders of the self-management system had always believed that the various people who made up the country could live in harmony thanks to ideological unity and Communist Party. However, these two elements were plunged into a deep crisis after the death of Tito. Beginning in 1980, the political elites and the Yugoslav intelligentsia played a fundamental role in the country’s decomposition process, which accelerated with the explosion of nationalist conflicts, the disappearance of the Cold War and the establishment of the new global era.

Classical approaches to conflict resolution assume that inducing conflict parties to analyse conflict constellations precipitates that the disputants recognise mutually shared needs or interests. Partially in critical reaction towards this assumption, a more recently emerging approach envisages setting up a communicative framework within which the conflict parties are supposed to harmonise their conceptualisations of the conflict. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that work within the frameworks of these classes of approaches is impolitic as long as war-related hostilities stay intact, since conflict parties which see the existence of the adversary as the core of the problem are unlikely to engage in a process of open communication or open analysis, so that trustbuilding is a sine qua non. Practice experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia suggest that the following activities can be conducive to trustbuilding: 1) supporting exchanges on personalising information, so that the internal heterogeneity of the opponent's group is rendered visible; 2) bringing intergroup iii commonalities to the foreground, either through cooperation on shared aspirations, or by unearthing interpersonal overlaps e.g. common feelings, values, and war-related experiences; 3) undermining the imagination of the own side's moral superiority by fostering the recognition of crimes and suffering inflicted by the own side. For those cultural and religious differences which persist after basic trustbuilding, a contingency approach is proposed: 1) Fostering the exploration of commonalities and differences; 2) If disagreements remain despite a better basic understanding, tolerance of these difference can be based on a better understanding of the values' background, and on an acceptance of differing beliefs as equal in valence; 3) Supporting the discovery of joint values to raise awareness for options of cohabitation with differences; disagreements which cannot be solved might be continued within an accepted communicative framework based on these shared values.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuotas Serbijos integracijos į ES procesas, pateikta Serbijos ekonominės ir politinės padėties apžvalga. Įvertintas Serbijos pasiruošimas tapti ES nare atsižvelgiant į Europos Komisijos nuomonę, ES iškeltų sąlygų vykdymą ir dabartinę ekonominę ir politinę padėtį. Pateikta Serbijos visuomenės paramos ES charakteristika, išanalizuota visuomenės požiūrio kaita į eurointegraciją. Pirmojoje dalyje teoriniu aspektu apžvelgiama ES raida, įvertinama sėkmingos jos plėtros istorija ir būsima perspektyva. Pateikiamos ES narystės sąlygos ir procedūros, išskiriamos specifinės sąlygos ir pereinamieji etapai, kurie taikomi tik Vakarų Balkanų valstybėms siekiančioms narystės ES. Antroje dalyje pristatoma Vakarų Balkanų istorijos genezė, Serbijos, kaip pagrindinės regiono valstybės vaidmuo politiniame, ekonominiame ir kultūriniame regiono vystymesi, akcentuojamas Jugoslavijos dezintegracijos procesas ir nesėkmingas jo valdymas iš ES pusės. Trečioje dalyje analizuojama Serbijos politinė ir ekonominė transformacija, bei siekiai tapti ES nare. Aptariamos ES sąlygos Serbijai ir jų vykdymas kuomet šaliai vadovavo skirtingos vyriausybės. Analizuojamas ir vertinamas Serbijos pasirengimas tapti ES nare remiantis ES ataskaitomis dėl Serbijos ekonomikos, politinės padėties ir Europos standartų atitikimo. Ketvirtoje dalyje pateikiamas, analizuojamas ir lyginamas Serbijos gyventojų pasiskirstymas ES klausimais, rezultatų kaita ir jų priežastys. Šioje dalyje aptarti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Master thesis analyzes Serbian EU integration process, reveals the political and economic status of Serbia. It also examines the situation in Serbia in terms of the political, economic criteria and the ability to take on the obligations of membership. Thesis also compares and analyzes Serbia‘s public polls researches towards EU integration. The first chapter of the Master thesis describes the research of the EU enlargement and integration genesis, describes the process of new member integration process and conditions, also states and anlyses the specific conditions of membership for Western Balkan countries. The second chapter presents full overview of the political conditions of former Yugoslavia, particular emphasis is placed on the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia, and on the failure of EU to prevent the conflicts in the region. The third chapter examines Serbia‘s political and economic transformation and ability to apply for EU membership. It also analyzes the position of different governments of Serbia on EU integration process. The last chapter analyzes public opinion on EU integration. The last part of the work analyzes specific conditions given from EU which influences public polls.