Im Mai 2013 begannen in Istanbul die größten, spontan organisierten zivilgesellschaftlichen Proteste in der Geschichte der Türkei. Die Besetzung des Gezi-Parks im Zentrum von Istanbul und das Vorgehen der Polizei mit massivem Einsatz von Tränengas und Wasserwerfern hatten sehr schnell zu einer breiten Solidarisierungswelle im gesamten Land geführt. Eine der dortigen Protestaktionen wird zum Ausgangspunkt, um die Verschränkung von politischen und performativen Interventionen zu diskutieren. Um diese Aspekte zu beleuchten, werden die Artikulationsformate im Rahmen der Proteste in Bezug zum Projekt „re.act.feminism #2 – a performing archive“ gesetzt.

The submitted thesis entitled Framing of the Istanbul Convention in Selected Czech Media examines the way in which this particular topic was presented in printed and online media in the year 2018. The Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, is a document, in which Czech Republic, by accepting it, has to commit to the a necessary steps to fight against gender based violence in our country. The aim of this work is to identify and present the specific media frames that have been used in the connection with the discussions surrounding the Istanbul Convention and to describe the construction of the actors around this document. The research sample consists of four printed pieces of media, namely Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo and eight online journals aktualne.cz, blesk.cz, denik.cz, eurozpravy.cz, novinky.cz, parlamentnilisty.cz, reflex.cz and seznamzpravy.cz. Qualitative methods based on grounded theory techniques were used for the research. The result of open and axial coding is in total nine media frames about the way in which the Istanbul Convention is framed in Czech media.

The purpose of this study was to examine Machofabriken 2.0 through discourse analysis.Examine how concepts are filled with meaning and what alternative meanings that are excluded. Ialso scrutinized what pedagogic tools and strategies put forward to achieve change and discuss ifit is possible to approach ordinary men as violent. Furthermore, I have analyzed underpinningassumptions of gender and violence and how masculinities, femininities, violence, andresponsibility are discursively produced. I have paid extra attention to three short movies; RealLife (Sexual harassment and bystander), Ice Cream (Consent and Free will) and Step-up(Pornography) with inspiration from feministfrequency.se to explore visual media and to payattention to the Male Gaze, objectification and sexualization of women, constructed differencesbetween men and women. Feminist Frequency provided me with the concept of Tropes in theexamination of representations of boys and girls in the short movies.The examination has uncovered gender biases in Machofabriken, which privilege the male overthe female and runs the categories fixed and reveals how the masculine discourse has constructedwomen as the Other. This thesis argues, it has dismantled the destructive masculine discourse andhow subjects of both genders are positioned and constituted within that discourse. This alsomeans the construction of gender is already there, before the text, before the short movies.

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In July 2018, Bulgaria’s Constitutional Court rejected the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (better known as the Istanbul Convention). This rejection came following a wave of civic activism, which scholars characterized as the first anti-gender campaign in Bulgaria. Three years after the Constitutional Court’s decision, the Istanbul Convention continues to occupy online and offline public space, still provoking controversy and sparking heated debates. Employing critical discourse analysis (CDA), this thesis analyzes comments under Facebook posts mentioning the Istanbul Convention between 2017 and 2021. The posts appear on the Facebook pages of two ideologically opposing civil organizations that actively participated in the debate around the Convention’s ratification. Using Reyes’ (2011) concept of de/legitimization discourse, this paper analyses the online discussion around the Convention, exploring how de/legitimization discourses are utilized by the two ideologically opposing communities. To account for the role of Facebook as a discursive practice, the study further explores how the architectures and affordances of Facebook as a platform contribute to the polarization of the IC discussion. The analysis reveals the instrumentality of de/legitimization discourses for constructing pro- and anti-IC activist groups, for redefining the meaning of ‘gender’ in Bulgarian society, and later for transforming the meaning of the phrase ‘the Istanbul Convention’ to outgrow a reference to one document and become a signifier of values. Additionally, the study highlights three types of Facebook affordances that were found to affect the discussion’s polarization: identity, social, and functional.

This paper examines how green areas may be used as strategic recovery zones in the event of an earthquake and how these zones may strengthen the resilience for future quakes in Istanbul. The paper also refers to investigating why the planning system in Turkey can pose a threat for the provision of green areas. Green areas have proven to be an important feature in natural disaster stricken cities for coping with disasters by strengthening the city’s resilience. However due to rapid population growth and high demand for housing and infrastructure, green areas risk disappearing when the city expands. This problem is evident all major cities of turkey and particularly in the country’s largest city Istanbul, where green areas are benign exploited instead of preserved; leaving larger city’s such as Istanbul vulnerable for future earthquake disasters. The high demand for new housing and functioning infrastructure in conjunction with a complicated planning system in Turkey leads to a vaguely regulated planning system, which creates a threat to green areas. This creates an uncertain situation for the city's ability and resilience to withstand a future earthquake disaster. The study will be based on a qualitative method. The empirical material will be presented through a previous research overview and a case study, which is also based on previous research on the subject. Essay analysis will be performed based on a quantitative text analysis based on concepts; urban disaster resilience, green infrastructure, land use planning and governance, presented in the essays theoretical framework. The general conclusions of the study are that there is a lack of good governance in the planning system in Turkey, which creates restrictions for a sustainable and resilient urban planning in the city of Istanbul. Green areas are resilience and capacity building areas in the city to handle future earthquake disaster, by providing open recovery zones in a densely built city. It is therefore important to plan for a long-term land use and to regard the green areas in the city to uphold strong urban disaster resilience for future earthquakes in Istanbul.

„Constant changes, silent witnesses“ ist der Titel des Films, den ich 2018/19 in Istanbul gedreht habe und in dem ich mich mit den schnellen und stetigen Veränderungsprozessen der Stadt auseinandersetze. Der Film verweist auf mehrere thematische Diskurse: Er behandelt die andauernden Gentrifizierungsprozesse, denen Istanbul in besonderer Schnelligkeit unterworfen zu sein scheint. Gleichzeitig verweist er auf die Idee der Kontinuität, symbolisiert durch die alten Bäume der Stadt, die wie Zeugen der Geschehnisse wirken. Eine dritte Diskurslinie zeichnen die Wege der Protagonistin – von mir selbst –, die unterschiedliche Orte und Gegebenheiten durch „tänzerische Streifzüge“ in der Stadt erkundet und über das Medium Tanz im Film zu vermitteln sucht. Die Prozesse vor Ort transportieren sich über die tänzerische Bewegung durch die Stadt.

The government in Poland led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and characterized by its anti-genderism and right-wing populist politics, is framing its opposition to the Istanbul Convention in human rights language. This leads to a puzzling occurrence of the women’s rights Convention being opposed with rights rhetoric. This puzzle was addressed in the thesis by investigating how the PiS-led government is mimicking human rights rhetoric in their opposition to the Convention. That was done in accordance with the ‘Rights as Weapons’ theory, developed by Bob Clifford. Findings revealed that the PiS-led government in their right rhetoric denies the necessity, effectiveness, and apoliticality of the Convention, invokes fears, presents Polish society as victims of 'gender ideology,' and puts forward opposing rights to those enshrined in the Convention. Moreover, their rights rhetoric heavily relies on fear, misinformation, and misinterpretation of the Convention.

From 330 to 1453 A.D., Constantinople became first the strategic position on the land route from the west to the east and then the important trading center of the eastern Empire. During this period the Italian cities had to cope with the "Question of the Straits" among themselves. For them, it was merely a commercial question. For the Greeks it was an important question since the city needed to be defended against the onslaught of the Moslems by means of the city's strong walls and by the active fleet in the Straits. The conquest of the Straits by the Turks, beginning around the middle of the fourteenth century lasted for about an hundred years. They accomplished this conquest in 1453. Gradually the Turks were able to extend their control over the entire Black Sea Area, and until that time the Black Sea was not entirely closed to trade. However, beginning in 1475 and lasting until 1774, the Black Sea was considered as a "virgin sea". Not until Russia had established herself upon the northern shores of the Black Sea did Turkey give up her exclusive control over all shipping within that body of water. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, all of the important countries of Europe had gained permission to pass their commerce through the Straits into the Black Sea. The problem of commercial freedom during peace time was pretty well settled, but Turkey through her control was able to prevent foreign warships from using the Straits and from entering the Black Sea. The purpose of this paper is to give an account of the events which took place during the years 1914-1923 in the establishment of a "New Regime of the Straits."

Basiert auf Diss. Harvard Univ. (Cambridge, Mass.), 1990. / Includes bibliographical references and index.