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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.

Although organised Marxist organisations did not emerge in Nigeria until the mid-1940s, leftist ideology had been prevalent among nationalist and labour leaders since the late 1920s. Both official documents and oral histories indicate deep-rooted support for leftism in Nigeria and anxiety among British colonial officials that this support threatened the Colonial Office's own timetable for gradual decolonisation. This study analyses the development of leftist ideology and attempts to establish a nationwide leftist organisation in colonial and post-independent Nigeria. The role of the Zikist movement is retold in light of new evidence, while other leftist organisations are salvaged from the footnotes of Nigeria nationalist history. More importantly, the adaptability of Marxist-Leninist ideology to colonial reality by the different leftist groups in Nigeria is emphasized. The reaction of Anglo-American officials in Lagos and the metropolis towards the Communist Party of Great Britain and other leftist organisations' sponsorship of Marxist groups in Nigeria are discussed. Lastly, the continuity between the departing colonial power and the Balewa administration is addressed to juxtapose the linkage between the two governments. The study thus provides a lucid explanation for the failure of leftist ideology and organisations in Nigeria during the twentieth century. In this eight-chapter thesis I consistently argue, based on official documents from England, Nigeria, and the United States, that the role of Marxists and Soviet Cold War interests in colonial territories are relevant to nationalism and decolonisation in Nigeria; that the issue is not to determine or measure whether or not Anglo-American policies are direct response to Soviet interests; that there are political, economic, and diplomatic policies carried out as part of the transfer of power process; and that the success of these is partly a result of collaboration with local subaltern leaders and official resolve to institutionalise imperial preferences before independence on October 1, 1960. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)

Abstract : This thesis develops an ideological critique of selected works by Oliver Lange, Orson Scott Card, Mary Jane Engh, Paul Chamberland, Hubert Aquin, and Claude Jasmin in order to uncover how they use the politico-literary discourse of the paranoid style and its Manichean binary of Us versus Them within the contexts of the United States during the Cold War (and its on-going repercussions into the early 1970’s) and Québec during the Révolution tranquille (Quiet Revolution). The consequent ideologemes manifest narratives describing the fight of an oppressed group (Us) against a demonized hegemonic enemy (Them.) This comparative literature project includes political and historical analyses in order to situate the works in the socio-historical contexts of their production, and since the ideologies of a period may be imbedded (knowingly or not) by an author in a text. The United States and Québec were extremely different culturally, as well as politically, during the decades in question and the issues their populations had to face were often quite dissimilar. Yet it is precisely the interrogation of their dissimilarities that is central to my project of demonstrating, through the selected texts, how two different societies narrativise key predominant ideological anxieties and struggles using the same rhetoric and similar tropes of the paranoid syle and its Manichean ideologemes. / Résumé : Ce mémoire réalise une critique idéologique de textes littéraires produits par différents auteurs : Oliver Lange, Orson Scott Card, Mary Jane Engh, Paul Chamberland, Hubert Aquin et Claude Jasmin. Cette critique a pour but d'étudier comment ces textes utilisent le discours politico-littéraire du paranoid style (style paranoïaque) et le manichéanisme ( Us versus Them ou Eux ou Nous) qui lui est associé à l'intérieur du contexte sociohistorique des États-Unis au plus fort de la Guerre froide (et durant sa période plus chaude des années 1970) et du Québec au plus fort de la Révolution tranquille. Les idéologèmes qui en résultent façonnent des histoires décrivant le combat d'un groupe opprimé (Nous) contre un ennemi hégémonique et démonisé (Eux) Ce projet de littérature comparée fait appel à des analyses politiques et historiques pour situer les textes analysés dans leur contexte sociohistorique de production respectifs puisque les idéologies d'une époque peuvent être insérées (consciemment ou non) par un auteur dans un texte. Le Québec et les États-Unis étaient des sociétés extrêmement différentes culturellement et politiquement durant ces décennies et les problèmes auxquels elles devaient faire face étaient différents également. C'est l'exploration de ces différences qui est centrale à ma démonstration, à travers les textes sélectionnés, du processus par lequel deux sociétés différentes opposées à deux ennemis différents mettent en scène leurs principaux combats et anxiétés idéologiques en utilisant la même rhétorique et les même conventions reliées au style paranoïaque et à son Manichéanisme.

This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.

Cette thèse porte sur les conceptions d’Egon Bahr dans le domaine de la politique à l’Est (Ostpolitik) de la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) entre 1945 et 1975. L’analyse se concentre sur le lien entre l’Ostpolitik et l’idée que Bahr se fait de la place et du rôle de l’Allemagne en Europe. Plus précisément, cette étude veut cerner les buts poursuivis par Bahr dans le cadre de la politique orientale. La première partie traite du développement conceptuel de l’Ostpolitik (1945-1969), tandis que la seconde examine sa mise en application entre l’élection de Willy Brandt comme chancelier de la RFA et la conclusion des accords d’Helsinki (1969-1975). Les principales sources utilisées sont les écrits de Bahr ainsi que des documents inédits se trouvant dans divers centres d’archives non seulement en Allemagne, mais aussi aux États-Unis, en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Pour Bahr, l’Ostpolitik ne saurait se résumer à l’élimination des obstacles qui gênent la diplomatie ouest-allemande durant la guerre froide. Bahr poursuit plutôt un projet nationaliste ambitieux dans le contexte des relations avec le bloc soviétique : créer les conditions d’une redéfinition de la place de l’Allemagne en Europe. Pour lui, l’Ostpolitik constitue un instrument idéal pour faire de l’Allemagne la puissance prépondérante dans un nouvel ordre de paix européen. Trois éléments complémentaires participent à l’accomplissement de cette vision : 1) la consolidation de la paix et de la sécurité continentales; 2) la réunification allemande et 3) l’émancipation de la politique étrangère (ouest-)allemande. Cette thèse éclaire la pensée politique de Bahr et contribue à une meilleure compréhension de la signification de l’Ostpolitik dans le contexte plus large de la politique étrangère de la RFA. Les conceptions de Bahr sont uniques dans l’Allemagne de la guerre froide parce qu’elles sont centrées sur les notions de puissance, d’intérêt national et de « normalité ». En même temps, Bahr comprend que la coopération doit toujours rester l’instrument diplomatique privilégié des Allemands vu leur position géographique centrale. À travers le prisme des conceptions de son « architecte », l’Ostpolitik apparaît comme un véritable effort de réconciliation entre la paix en Europe et l’affirmation de l’influence allemande sur la scène internationale. / This thesis deals with Egon Bahr’s understanding of the Federal Republic of Germany’s (FRG) Eastern policy (Ostpolitik) between 1945 and 1975. The analysis is centered on the link between Ostpolitik and Bahr’s conception of Germany’s position and role in the European system. More precisely, this study aims at finding out which goals Bahr pursued in the context of Bonn’s Eastern policy. The first part of the thesis deals with the conceptual development of Ostpolitik (1945-1969). The second part takes a look at its implementation for the period between Willy Brandt’s election as West German Chancellor and the conclusion of the Helsinki Final Act (1969-1975). This thesis relies primarily on Bahr’s writings, including a vast number of unpublished sources, located mostly in German archives, but also in American, French and British archives. According to Bahr, Ostpolitik was not limited to the elimination of West Germany’s burdens in foreign policy during the Cold War. In fact, he pursued an ambitious, nationalistic project in the context of relations with the Soviet bloc. Bahr sought to create the necessary conditions for Germany to redefine its place in Europe. With Ostpolitik as his diplomatic instrument, his ultimate goal was to see Germany become the central power in a new European peace order. Three interrelated objectives formed the core of this vision: 1) the consolidation of peace and security on the continent; 2) German reunification and 3) the emancipation of (West) German foreign policy. This thesis sheds new light on Bahr’s political thought and contributes to a better understanding of Ostpolitik’s significance in the larger context of West German foreign policy. Bahr’s conceptions were unique in Cold War Germany because they were based on notions of power, the national interest and “normality”. At the same time, Bahr understood that Germans, because of their central geographic position, always had to rely on cooperation as the prime instrument of all their diplomatic initiatives. Through its “architect”, Ostpolitik appears as an effort at reconciliation between a peaceful Europe and the unhindered affirmation of German influence in world affairs.

La période de l’après-guerre posa d’importants défis commerciaux à l’économie canadienne. Les années entre 1945 et 1950 furent effectivement marquées par la rupture de son système commercial traditionnel et la recherche d’une stratégie alternative. Le pays dut composer avec un déficit commercial croissant à l’égard des États-Unis, ainsi qu’une chute de ses exportations à destination du Royaume-Uni, ruiné par les années de guerre. Ce déséquilibre commercial qui menaçait d’épuiser les réserves canadiennes de dollars américains reflétait l’écart entre les capacités productives des deux rives de l’Atlantique. Le programme de reconstruction des économies européennes, ou plan Marshall, fut accueilli avec enthousiasme à Ottawa puisqu’il devait non seulement rétablir les marchés du Vieux Continent, mais également faciliter la mise en place d’un réseau multilatéral d’échanges et la libéralisation du commerce international. Les tensions de la guerre froide limitèrent toutefois l’ouverture de ces marchés aux marchandises canadiennes, puisque l’endiguement du communisme commanda une consolidation européenne qui privilégia le démantèlement des entraves aux échanges intra-européens, aux dépens du commerce transatlantique. Les préoccupations de Washington en matière de sécurité collective devaient néanmoins laisser place à une stratégie alternative pour le Canada, en poussant la coopération économique des deux pays, dans le but d’optimiser une production de défense destinée aux pays membres de l’OTAN, dont la demande était soutenue par l’aide Marshall. L’incorporation du Canada dans ce dispositif de défense élargie à la communauté atlantique permit ainsi d’assurer un accès privilégié à ses marchandises sur le marché américain, et par conséquent de progresser vers l’équilibre commercial. / The postwar years brought many challenges to the Canadian economy in terms of trade policies. Indeed, in the years between 1945 and 1950, Canada experienced growing trade imbalances as imports from the United States market reached new peaks and exports to the United Kingdom decreased dramatically due to financial exhaustion caused by the war. These developments soon raised concerns as the country was faced with the prospect of foreign reserves depletion, a situation mainly caused by the productivity gap existing between the economies of the two sides of the Atlantic. The American sponsored European Recovery Program or Marshall Plan was met with enthusiasm in Ottawa as it intended to restore economic viability of the European markets as well as to establish a multilateral trade system based on non-discriminatory trade practices. The international tensions of the nascent Cold War were to limit these achievements as the need for a strong Europe dictated the elimination of restrictive trade practices between European commercial partners without giving equal treatment to transatlantic trade relations. However, the conflictual Cold War context was to offer an alternative strategy to the Canadian’s quest for dollars, for Washington’s collective security concerns paved the way to closer economic cooperation and privileged access to Canadian exports of strategic materials and other defence related commodities in the American market. The Marshall Plan was a key element of the procurement mechanism of the NATO country whose demand alleviated the pressure on Canadian foreign reserves through greater exports to the United Stated.

La seconde crise de Berlin (1958-1961) est un évènement majeur de la guerre froide. L'hypothèse de notre recherche remet en question le rôle du Canada et les perceptions négatives de l'Occident envers l'URSS durant cette crise. La recherche se divise en trois volets : premièrement, une revue de l'historiographie de la politique canadienne; deuxièmement, une présentation de la chronologie des évènements de la crise de Berlin, l'importance de la diplomatie multilatérale canadienne et la politique nucléaire de Diefenbaker; enfin, un examen de la politique étrangère soviétique. À partir de sources primaires et d'un bilan historiographique,il fut démontré que, durant la crise de Berlin, le Canada a réussi à influencer l'OTAN et à ménager les gouvernements américains et soviétiques. Quant à l'URSS, contrairement à l'image négative que l'Occident en avait, celle-ci a manifesté durant cette crise des intentions pacifiques envers l'Occident, contredisant les interprétations orthodoxes de la guerre froide. / The second Berlin crisis(1958-1961)is a major event of the Cold War. The hypothesis of our research revises the role of Canada and the negative perception of the occidental countries toward USSR during this crisis. This study is divided in three parts : firstly, a historiographical review of the canadian policy toward NATO; secondly, a presentation of the events in regard to the implication of the canadian governement during the Berlin crisis, the importance of the the multilateral canadian diplomacy and the nuclear policy during the Diefenbaker's governement; at last, an examination of the soviet foreign policy. With the help of canadian primary sources, it will be demonstrated firstly that : while the tensions are to their peaks, Canada succeeded to influence NATO and american policy and tried to spare both soviet and american governements. Secondly, soviet and east-german archives showed that the soviet governement manifested during this crisis his pacific intentions, contradicting the most often supported orthodox interpretation of the Cold War.

The aim of the thesis is the analysis of "domestication" of the scientific-technical revolution and the most important alimentary behavior of Czech society in the 1950' and 1960' of the 20th century. In the thesis is this process interpreted in the context of the change of the regime and of the ideological patterns in the mid- 1950', which should help to overcome the difficulties of the Stalinist utopianism - increased emphasis on quality of lifestyle, housing development, architecture and design, modernization of kitchen equipment and the transformation of ideas about desirable social standards and their importance to legitimize post-Stalinist organization. More specifically, in the context of "domestication" of the scientific-technical revolution, I deal with topics such as the rationalization and mechanization of houseworks, emphasis on hygiene and nutrition, quality of food storage and preparation, the transformation of food composition, the "discovery" of vitamins and enzymes, minerals and etc., haunches on consumerism, developing doctrines of household management, image of woman and her place in the household and other topics. The present work examines not only the structural changes that have occurred, but their ideological aspects - especially the place where the promise of a better life...

This thesis deals with the depiction of racial and ethnic stereotypes in American animated cartoons particularly from the first half of the twentieth century. It studies the relationship between animation and American culture and examines how animation reflects and shapes American identity in terms of race and how it critiques and promotes American values and attitudes regarding race and ethnicity in particular. Considering the historical, political, legal and cultural background of the contemporary eras of American animation, the thesis analyses the portrayal of racial and ethnic features in animated cartoons from the 1920s to the 1960s. Such stereotypes represent, in my opinion, significant aspects of societal and cultural changes in American society of the examined eras of animation. The beginnings of the entertainment industry affected the booming era of animation by implementing commonly recognised literary stereotypes of the African-Americans into animated cartoons. This thesis strives to study the development of animated features of the racial stereotypes throughout the contemporary eras. It provides a brief systematic overview of the main eras that have significantly highlighted the start of animation as markers of race and ethnicity. Simultaneously, it discusses the problematic...