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yes / This article supports growing calls to ‘take small states seriously’ in the international political economy but questions prevailing interpretations that ‘smallness’ entails inherent qualities that create unique constraints on, and opportunities for, small states. Instead, we argue that discourses surrounding the ‘inherent vulnerability’ of small states, especially developing and less-developed states, may produce the very outcomes that are attributed to state size itself. By presenting small states as a problem to be solved, vulnerability discourses divert attention away from the existence of unequal power structures that, far from being the natural result of smallness, are in fact contingent and politically contested. The article then explores these themes empirically through discussion of small developing and less-developed states in the Commonwealth and the World Trade Organization (WTO), considering in particular how smallness has variously been articulated in terms of what small states either cannot or will not do.

The WTO, tourism and small states: finding policy space to develop This study examines whether the General Agreement on Services (GATS) provides the necessary policy space for small states to pursue their development agendas. Small states in this study are defined in power terms. But the study also focuses on small states in a property sense--those with few diversification options, making the services sector potentially an important avenue for economic growth and diversification. The study seeks to examine critically the parameters that GATS places on policy-making of small states--whether governments are limited to providing a competitive business environment, or if they retain sufficient policy space to shape the development of a sector. The study also looks at the interplay between international and domestic factors in development of policy. The tourism industries of Oman and Qatar provide case studies to examine these issues. Tourism has the potential to contribute to the economies of small states generally, but debate exists as to whether GATS leaves small states with sufficient space to influence the direction of this sector. The similarities between Oman and Qatar in both power and property terms allow for a comparative examination of whether small states can find meaningful policy space. In addition, their domestic dynamics provide insight into the interplay between domestic and international pressures on policy choices. The experiences of Oman and Qatar suggest that there remains some policy space for states to develop their tourism industries in a manner compatible with local aspirations. Governments thus have some scope to direct the shape of the tourism sector beyond merely providing a competitive business environment. But policy direction is influenced by capacity, past experiences and existing norms, and these differences can result in varying outcomes. Additionally, small states must decide their priorities in on-going WTO negotiations in order to maintain existing policy space.

ABSTRACT: There are many theories of which the doctrine development process is described, both in a generalperspective and more specific for either large or small states. Where one of them shows that smallstates have a limited ability to develop their doctrines, and are required to implement experiencesthat larger states have obtained through international operations and war. This statement is thefoundation of the thesis and is used to analyse the doctrine development process for small statesregardless of membership to a military alliance. The thesis compares Swedish and Norwegianmilitary doctrines through a case study to determine how the doctrine development process isstructured and if it complies with the arguments from the theories about doctrine development.The result of the thesis shows that the process is similar between the countries, and therefore thedoctrines are developed in a similar way, regardless of a membership to a military alliance.

Great States are always occupied the most part of international politics,even history. After the Second World War, number of Small States are growingup to the unprecedent high. The power of Small States acted more active and important in international political stages than ever, especially small nicke states. The author try to describe the Small States'position and foreign policy fromancient to present. Theory of Small States can be disscussed in many way : history fate, neutral, non-aligned, aligned, developed, developing, situational,weak, and behavioral in international systems or organizations. The author agree that Small States have more chances to or get strength if they can developtheir domestic affairs in right many and penetrate their foreign ability in pro-per time. 　　The author also appreciate mant Small States use their limited resources to promote their international position and develop states strength, which are niche states. Niche state is one of the features after the Second World War,design their special military,economics and diplomcy ability to participate world affairs and construct their own security and development. Many of small niche states connected well in foreign policy and aid which earned interantional reputation Foreign aid has been the part of foreign policy,not only for the diplomatic consideration but also domestic courses. 　　International opinion, especially from Third World States, consideded the small statesas donors are more generous and helpful than Great states. The author argued Small States and Great States have same foreign considerations that the givingforeign aid are according to satisfy their own interests. The author select eigh Small States to show how can these states use foreign aid to keep or promotetheir interests. They are Switzerland, Sweden, The Netherlands, Kuwait, Israel,Cuba former East Germany and South Korea. 　　In conclusion, the author suggested the government of the Republic of Chinathat they can do more things in foreign aid affairs in order to promote state'sinternational in depth (stuff tranning, organization strengthen, policy priority) and broad (military aid, consortium, humanism).

The following master`s thesis focuses on small states security strategy choices, namely the case of Georgia. According to neorealist assumptions small states choose their security strategy to minimalize the potential threat to their existence. The case of Georgia is anomalous, as it has increased the security risk by choosing its alliance strategy. This work analyses the factors influencing the preferences in choosing a security strategy by neorealist and constructivist approach. The aim of this work is to research whether the selection of the security strategy is a rational choice and if so what other factors influence this choice

<p>Abstract</p><p>Essay in political science, C-level, by Bo-Josef Eriksson, spring semester 2007</p><p>Tutor: Susan Marton</p><p>”Universal morality - does it exist? - A case study of small states foreign policy”</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to examine how well does realism stand of against idealism when the focus of the study is on small states foreign policy? The essay takes it’s starting point at the debate between the two theories of international relations (IR). Realism is the theory that has had the most impact on the study of IR since the second world war. Idealism has been it’s greatest opponent and the debate is still active even up til this day.</p><p>My case study of Danmarks foreign aid policy constitutes a worst critical case scenario for realism and therfore my assumptions were that idealism would be the theory that could explain the core-elements of the Danish foregin aid. Core-elements is the caracteristic of the different theory’s and the core-elements of idealism is the oposite of those of realism. The actual examination-material is the policy documnts of Danida. Danida stands for; Danish International Development Assistance, and it’s an department under the Danish ministry of foreign affairs.</p><p>The answer to if Danida’s foreign aid policy is based on realistic or idealisti core-elements is that it is based on idealistic core-elements. So to answer the purpose realism didn’t stand that well of when the focus were on a small states foreign policy. The limitations of my study lies in the fact that it’s an qualitative research which means that you may have som problem with generalisations so to be able to say something about all small states there will have to be more research done in this particular area.</p>

This thesis studies the impact of small states in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in EU. The organisation of EU contains an interdependent power relationship between all countries. The aim of this study is to examine how this interdependence affect the influence of small states. Two theoretical framework are used. The first by Robert Keohane och Joseph Nye that developed the theoretical definition of interdependence, while the second one by Søren Christensen and his definition of direct and indirect power. The analytical model contains four hypothesis concerning asymmetrical and vulnerable interdependence, as well as direct- and indirect power. Through a case study of Sweden and Finland the conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP, but it is limited due to bigger states with much more resources and the geographical position of the countries that creats asymmetrical interdependence. However, Sweden and Finland have influence in the decision-making in CFSP through vulnerable interdependence because of their many international defence cooperations with different organizations that strengthen their national position in the international political system. Also, the formal process of decision-making in CFSP enable direct and indirect power of small states. Therefore, the final conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP even though is its limited in some aspects.

This doctoral project explores the ways in which European small states' approaches to peacekeeping have been affected by the changing nature of peace missions. The central objective is to explain the choices made by small states' governments to participate in missions which no longer fit traditional peacekeeping models. The increasing need for comprehensive and robust responses to international crises characterised by intra-state violence has challenged small states whose elites and publics have been accustomed to deploying troops to low intensity missions tasked to separate parties. Throughout the Cold War and beyond, traditional peacekeeping developed along the norms of non-use of force, impartiality and consent. Identifying positively with the objectives and normative underpinnings of traditional peacekeeping, small states have actively committed their armed forces based on a perception of themselves as international norm entrepreneurs. This thesis challenges the notion that small states' governments commit material and human resources to new types of peace operations motivated by such self-images. Transformations in the practice of peacekeeping are forcing foreign policy agents in small states to rethink the function(s) that their states should play in the international system towards peacekeeping. Three questions are considered: I) what new or existing roles are small states adopting in this evolving peacekeeping system? II) through what political processes do these roles emerge? and III) how do these roles affect decision-making on peacekeeping deployments? Small state research cannot effectively answer these questions nor comprehensively explain what small states do in international affairs because it lacks analytical tools to link structure and agency. A theoretical approach grounded in role theory is better suited to understand the foreign policies of small states and re-evaluate their peacekeeping credentials. A model depicting the interaction between role socialisation and domestic role processes is constructed to guide four empirical analyses of recent peacekeeping decisions taken by Austrian and Belgian governments. This theoretical foundation allows the contention that small states' changing self-perceptions do not necessarily originate from internal ideational factors, as the norm entrepreneur argument suggests. Each case study traces how the interplay between external role demands and domestically conceived ideas about the state's position in an evolving peacekeeping system informs Austria's and Belgium's adjustment to new peace missions. Austria's decisions to withdraw from UNDOF in 2013, and to participate in EUFOR Chad 2007-2008, are telling cases of a small state adapting to new forms of peacekeeping through a reconfiguration of roles. This thesis also investigates the roles that have motivated the contributions made by two Belgian governments towards the Malian crisis, 2012-2013 and the 2006 Israeli-Hezbollah war. This project contributes to small state research by showing that these actors fulfil a broad range of functions in the international system. It also improves the way we explain small states' foreign policy actions by providing a dynamic framework capturing the relationship between structure and agency, and by delving into the decision-making processes of small states. Additionally, it adds to the peacekeeping literature by providing an original account as to why states, and in particular small states, contribute troops to missions operating under evolving conditions. Finally, inputs are made to the scholarship on role theory by exploring how state size influences role conceptions and investigating how role socialisation and domestic role dynamics interact to affect the roles and decisions of an under-studied category of states.