Submitted by Daniele Mendonça (daniele.mendonca@ucsal.br) on 2018-06-05T19:26:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2018-06-06T13:17:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-06T13:17:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOSHIELAROLEMBERG.pdf: 3646814 bytes, checksum: 595a5bac378d66e0eaa727abd2815134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-02 / O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar a efetividade da Função Social da Propriedade Pública sobre bens imóveis públicos e sua correlação com a concretização do direito à moradia dos grupos sociais vulneráveis sob a perspectiva da garantia do mínimo existencial e da Função Social da Propriedade como dever fundamental. Para tanto, serão ponderados conceitos e discussões acerca da questão habitacional no Brasil, exemplificada a partir da realidade de Salvador/BA e Região Metropolitana, ressaltando-se a segregação socioespacial e o déficit habitacional como peculiaridades do processo de urbanização, a questão da moradia e do acesso à da terra urbana e o consequente desenvolvimento dos movimentos sociais urbanos na luta pelo direto à moradia. Intenta-se, ainda, analisar as concepções existentes sobre a Função Social da Propriedade, a concepção adotada pela legislação e doutrinária pátrias e seus fundamentos, além da proposição da perspectiva da Função Social da Propriedade como dever fundamental, para, enfim, discorrer sobre o direito fundamental à moradia como direito social e a sua correlação com o direito à cidade, o mínimo existencial e a dignidade humana. Por fim, são feitas considerações acerca da natureza jurídica dos bens imóveis públicos, sobre a imposição da função social a estes e a impropriedade da vedação constitucional irrestrita de usucapir bens imóveis públicos, com fim na reflexão sobre até que ponto a função social da propriedade está sendo respeitada no que tange à disposição da propriedade pública para a concretização do direito à moradia e do direito à cidade. A pesquisa evidencia que a Função Social da Propriedade se mostra na prática uma figura retórica na atuação estatal para a promoção do desenvolvimento urbano e gestão de cidades, pois o Poder Público, assim como os setores privados, se pauta na noção do direito de propriedade individual e irrestrito, em desconformidade aos valores constitucionais consubstanciados na Carta Magna de 1988, incluindo o Poder Judiciário, que segue a tradição civilista e dogmática sob a qual foi formado e se apresenta insensível à problemática da habitação como questão social. Sustenta-se ser possível defender que entre a norma-princípio da função social e a norma-regra de vedação de usucapião de bens públicos existe hierarquia axiológica, e que, em caso de conflito, deve prevalecer a primeira, orientando, desta forma, que os bens públicos cumpram função social, constituindo a usucapião especial sobre bens públicos desafetados mais uma proposta de instrumento para a regularização fundiária com fins na concretização do direito à moradia, sob a garantia do mínimo existencial para uma vida digna, e do direito à cidade. / This paper proposes to analyze the effectiveness of the Social Function of Public Property on public real estate and its correlation with the realization of the right to housing of vulnerable social groups from the perspective of guaranteeing the existential minimum and the Social Function of Property as a fundamental duty. For that, concepts and discussions about the housing issue in Brazil will be considered, exemplified by the reality of Salvador / BA and Metropolitan Region, highlighting the socio-spatial segregation and the housing deficit as peculiarities of the urbanization process, the housing issue and of access to urban land and the consequent development of urban social movements in the struggle for housing. It is also tried to analyze the existing conceptions on the Social Function of Property, the conception adopted by the country's legal and doctrinal principles and its foundations, besides proposing the perspective of the Social Function of Property as a fundamental duty, to finally discuss the fundamental right to housing as a social right and its correlation with the right to the city, the existential minimum and human dignity. Finally, considerations are made about the legal nature of public real estate, about the imposition of the social function on them, and the impropriety of the unrestricted constitutional prohibition of usucapir public real estate, with the purpose of reflecting on the extent to which the social function of property is being respected with regard to the disposition of public property for the realization of the right to housing and the right to the city. The research shows that the Social Function of Property is in practice a rhetorical figure in the state action for the promotion of urban development and city management, since the Public Power, as well as the private sectors, is based on the notion of individual property rights and unrestricted, in disregard for the constitutional values enshrined in the Constitution of 1988, including the Judiciary, which follows the civilist and dogmatic tradition under which it was formed and is insensitive to the problem of housing as a social issue. It is argued that it is possible to argue that there is an axiological hierarchy between the norm-principle of the social function and the norm-rule of prohibition of the use of public goods, and that, in case of conflict, the former must prevail, public property fulfills a social function, constituting the special misappropriation of public property, and a proposal for an instrument for land regularization with the purpose of realizing the right to housing, under the guarantee of the existential minimum for a dignified life, and of the right to the city.

Greenery in towns and cities are an important part of our lives and influences us in many positive ways. In the Czech Republic, the establishment, restoration and maintenance of public green areas within the competence of municipalities. As with every other public service there arises a problem with the quantity and quality of its provision. This paper deals with the relationships that developed in 2011 between spending on public greenery and various parameters of the municipalities. These relations are implemented by means of two hypotheses. The first is based on economies of scale, and assumes that the larger the municipality, the smaller expenses should be provided for public green areas per inhabitant. The second hypothesis is based on the work of Carruthers and Úlfarsson (2008) and says that a higher the population density reduces the per capita expenditures of city govenments. The validity assessment of the hypotheses is done by use of the statistical method of regression analysis. This, however, did not confirm the validity of any of them. Thus there is no indirect relationship between the size of the municipality or population density and public expenditures on green areas per capita. The reason why there is no relationship lies primarily in the great freedom of decision-making of individual municipalities, as far as public green is concerned.

The defense spending plays a significant role in the decision-making process of setting up a defense policy. The economy of a state, its performance and development rank among the main factors that influence the size of this public expenditure. At a time of economic stagnation in the Western European countries, the ongoing public debt crisis affects to a ever growing extent all areas of public spending, including the defense. This work aims to contribute to the current knowledge in the field of defense economy and public finance by investigating the influence of the state debt on defense spending. The first part of the work is dedicated to defining the economy of defense and providing a brief summary of its historical development, followed by a discussion of defense as a pure public good. This chapter analyzes the issue of public debt and explains how the major schools of economic theory approach this problem. The second part outlines the previous research in the field of defense spending and debt, their development and the potential relationship with macroeconomic variables. The third chapter presents and discusses the results of empirical research that is based on the theoretical assumptions and models introduced in the first two chapters. The analysis was performed on time series from the period of 1978 to 2011 (34 years) for seven NATO member states: Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Netherlands, UK and USA. The empirical analysis was performed by the statistical methods of regression and panel regression. The primary hypothesis on the existence of a relationship between the public debt and defense spending was confirmed and the partial hypothesis that this relationship is negative was refuted.

This dissertation explores aspects of financial stability from three different perspectives. In the first essay, we empirically analyze to which extent popular global systemic risk measures (SRMs) yield comparable results with respect to the systemic importance of a financial institution and, in particular, from which determinants the degree of consistency of the classification by the various SRMs depends. It turns out that rank correlations, in general, are more sensitive towards macroeconomic factors such as the unemployment rate, and to a minor degree towards factors that can be interpreted in a broader sense as proxies for the stability of a bank such as the market-to-book ratio and the loans-to-deposits ratio. Further analyses reveal the inconsistency of systemic risk ranks and the difficulty to detect specific explanatory factors across several different settings. In the second essay, we assess the potential of activity on Twitter for improving forecasts of daily and intra-daily stock and index return volatilities. For this purpose, a unique high-frequency dataset of a comprehensive sample of more than 150 stocks of large international companies, systemically important banks, as well as several leading international stock indices is constructed. Our results show that there is no clear advantage of adding Twitter information by assessing the forecast performance of a plethora of different model specifications. We also reveal the necessity to consider different set-ups since they partly deliver opposing results. However, even though Twitter information is sometimes valuable, we find that forecast improvements in general remain marginal. In the third essay, we characterizes the formation of self-enforcing international financial regulation agreements. Our analysis allows evaluating the desirability and feasibility of cooperative solutions and explains the challenges associated with the process of cooperation. We model the cooperation of national financial regulators in a game-theoretical framework that considers financial stability to be an impure public good. Joint national supervisory effort is supposed to increase aggregate welfare in terms of a more stable financial system both on a global and on a local level by simultaneously generating incentives to free-ride. In our basic version of the model, we show that partial cooperation of two or three countries is stable and improves the welfare of all countries relative to the non-cooperative Nash equilibrium. Further analyses highlight the role of additional club benefits. When signatory countries of a coalition gain benefits over and above the joint welfare maximization, stable coalitions of any size become feasible.

This pilot study has the twofold purpose of analyzing the effect of XAI explanations on the mental models of economic games participants, and testing the feasibility of the methodology devised for it. To achieve this, we compared the contribution behavior and mental models of 30 participants playing a public good game. Playing in pairs, a total of 10 participants played in each of three different conditions: i) a condition with a decision support system providing suggestions for contributions; ii) a condition with the decision support system and explanations for its suggestions; iii) a control condition. Upon finishing the game, all participants completed a Retrospection Task questionnaire to elicit their mental models about the game’s goals and partner’s behavior. Our results showed differences in the contribution behavior and mental models of the participants between the three conditions, with the condition with explanations presenting consistently higher contributions and participants reporting prosocial attitudes. Through these findings, this pilot study demonstrates the feasibility of the methodology and argues for the need of a larger-scale study to further investigate the effect of XAI explanations on the users’ mental models. / Denna pilotstudie har det dubbla syftet att analysera effekten av XAI-förklaringar på de mentala representationerna hos deltagarna i ekonomiska spel och att testa genomförbarheten av den metod som utarbetats för studien. För att uppnå detta jämförde vi bidragsbeteendet och de mentala representationerna hos 30 deltagare som spelade ett spel om kollektiva nyttigheter. Totalt 10 deltagare spelade parvis i var och en av tre olika behandlingar: i) en med ett beslutsstödsystem som ger förslag på bidrag, ii) en med beslutsstödsystemet och förklaringar till dess förslag, iii) en kontrollgrupp. Efter att ha avslutat spelet fyllde alla deltagare i ett frågeformulär om en retrospektionsuppgift för att utvärdera deras mentala representationer om spelets mål och partnerns beteende. Våra resultat visade skillnader i deltagarnas bidragsbeteende och mentala modeller mellan de tre behandlingarna, där behandlingen med förklaringar presenterade genomgående högre bidrag och deltagare som rapporterade prosociala attityder. Genom dessa resultat visar den här pilotstudien att metoden är genomförbar och argumenterar för behovet av en studie i större skala för att ytterligare undersöka effekten av XAI-förklaringar på användarnas mentala modeller.

No description available.

<p>Platforms are now everywhere in our society. Some platforms share real-time information such that people can refer to many aspects, i.e., transportation, weather, news, etc. For example, online learning platforms can play a significant role in accelerating learning through things like providing more real-time feedback loops. Due to the recent innovation in mobile devices as well as faster networks, live streaming platforms become a new trend. Several usages of live streaming platforms are gaming experience sharing such as Twitch, or shopping experience like Amazon Live. My dissertation studies the strategic designs of different online platforms, especially how information affects users’ strategic behaviors and how it creates<br> different market outcomes.</p>

Plusieurs problèmes liés à l'utilisation de substances et méthodes interdites de dopage dans les sports posent de grands défis à la gouvernance antidopage. Afin de lutter contre le dopage, certains pays ont mis en oeuvre des cadres juridiques basés exclusivement sur le droit pénal tandis que d'autres pays ont plutôt misé sur des mécanismes et organismes spécialisés trouvant fondement en droit privé ou sur un régime hybride de droit public et privé. Ces différentes approches réglementaires ont pour conséquence de faire en sorte qu’il est très difficile de lutter efficacement contre le dopage dans les sports, notamment parce que leur exécution requiert un degré de collaboration internationale et une participation concertée des autorités publiques qui est difficile à mettre en place. À l’heure actuelle, on peut par exemple observer que les États n’arrivent pas à contrer efficacement la participation des syndicats et organisations transnationales liés au crime organisé dans le marché du dopage, ni à éliminer des substances et méthodes de dopage interdites par la réglementation. Par ailleurs, la gouvernance antidopage basée sur les règles prescrites par l’Agence mondiale antidopage prévoit des règles et des normes distinctes de dopage distinguant entre deux catégories de personnes, les athlètes et les autres, plaçant ainsi les premiers dans une position désavantageuse. Par exemple, le standard de responsabilité stricte sans faute ou négligence imposé aux athlètes exige moins que la preuve hors de tout doute raisonnable et permet l'utilisation de preuves circonstancielles pour établir la violation des règles antidopages. S'appliquant pour prouver le dopage, ce standard mine le principe de la présomption d'innocence et le principe suivant lequel une personne ne devrait pas se voir imposer une peine sans loi. D’ailleurs, le nouveau Code de 2015 de l’Agence attribuera aux organisations nationales antidopage (ONADs) des pouvoirs d'enquête et de collecte de renseignements et ajoutera de nouvelles catégories de dopage non-analytiques, réduisant encore plus les droits des athlètes. Dans cette thèse, nous discutons plus particulièrement du régime réglementaire de l’Agence et fondé sur le droit privé parce qu’il ne parvient pas à répondre aux besoins actuels de gouvernance mondiale antidopage. Nous préconisons donc l’adoption d’une nouvelle approche de gouvernance antidopage où la nature publique et pénale mondiale du dopage est clairement reconnue. Cette reconnaissance combiné avec un modèle de gouvernance adapté basé sur une approche pluraliste du droit administratif global produira une réglementation et une administration antidopage mieux acceptée chez les athlètes et plus efficace sur le plan des résultats. Le nouveau modèle de gouvernance que nous proposons nécessitera toutefois que tous les acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques ajustent leur cadre de gouvernance en tenant compte de cette nouvelle approche, et ce, afin de confronter les défis actuels et de régler de manière plus satisfaisante les problèmes liés à la gouvernance mondiale du dopage dans les sports. / Several issues which are related to the use of prohibited substances and doping methods in sport pose great challenges to the anti-doping governance. In order to fight against doping, some countries have implemented legal frameworks which are based exclusively on criminal law while other countries have relied on specialized mechanisms and bodies, either based exclusively on private law or on a hybrid regime of public and private law. These different regulatory approaches make the fight against doping in sport severely complicated as its success requires a degree of international cooperation as well as the concerted involvement of public authorities. However, such cooperation is often difficult to realize. At present, it can be observed, for example, that nation states are unable to effectively prevent transnational organized crime syndicates and organizations from involving in the doping market nor from restricting and eliminating prohibited doping substances and methods through their regulatory frameworks. Furthermore, the anti-doping governance framework which is based on the rules and standards of the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) distinguishes athletes from nonathletes, placing the former in a disadvantageous position. For example, the standard of strict liability of no fault or negligence imposed on athletes requires less than proof beyond a reasonable doubt and allows the use of circumstantial evidence to establish an anti-doping rule violation. This standard of proof undermines the presumption of innocence principle and the principle of no penalty without a law. Moreover, the new World Anti-Doping Code of 2015 will empower the National Anti-Doping Organizations (NADOs) with investigative and intelligence-gathering powers and will add new categories of non-analytical based doping categories, while reducing the rights of athletes even further. In this thesis, we discuss specifically the private law-based regulatory framework of WADA because it fails to meet the current needs of global anti-doping governance. We therefore advocate for the adoption of a new approach where the penal and public global nature of doping is clearly recognized. Such recognition, combined with a suitable governance model based on a pluralistic approach of global administrative law, will produce a better accepted and more effective anti-doping governance among athletes and will also be of benefit for non-athletes. However, the new governance model that we propose will require all state and non-state parties to adjust their governance frameworks to meet the current challenges and problems, related to the global governance of doping in sport.

This study explores models for the reform of higher education in Egypt, and warns of potential consequences arising from the adoption of models based exclusively on the requirements of the knowledge economy and which fail to take account of the public role of national universities, socio-cultural realities and local as well as global pressures. The overall aim of the research is to identify the prerequisites for higher education reform in Egypt and the characteristics of a tailor-made reform model. It explores the role of higher education in Egypt, within the context of international organisations’ reform models for less-developed countries, and identifies the remits of the knowledge economy and knowledge society as frameworks for reforming higher education. This research has sought to answer questions on current conceptions of the role of higher education in Egypt and how these are being challenged by stakeholders. An exploratory study was designed using mixed methods. The research aim and objectives are achieved through a five-stage research process. The findings showed a general discontent among students and academics with higher education, and a near unanimity on the need for reform, particularly in the areas of teaching methods, curricula and university staff. The findings demonstrated that cultural issues deeply rooted in Egyptian society are preventing reform from being effective. The reform of higher education in Egypt should not only be part of an economic development vision, but a wider strategic vision for societal and cultural reform too. Reforming higher education in Egypt is a challenge, which will require consistent methodological rigour and a transformation of the current corrupted education culture prior to implementing the proposed OECD recommendations, or at the very least concurrent with any implementation.

Cette thèse de doctorat s’inscrit dans le domaine des finances publiques et des choix publics et s’articule autour des questions de polarisation idéologique, décentralisation et conflit. Elle est composée de trois chapitres qui peuvent être lus de façon indépendante. Dans le premier chapitre l’accent est mis sur l’importance de la polarisation idéologique entre mais aussi à l’intérieur des partis politiques sur le niveau et la composition des dépenses publiques cantonales. L’analyse est menée au niveau des parlements cantonaux suisses et repose sur l’exploitation et le traitement économétrique d’une base de données très riche.Nous avons fait deux contributions à la littérature sur l’impact de fragmentation politique sur les dépenses publiques.Premièrement, nous avons montré que la dispersion idéologique à l’intérieur des partis politiques est associée à des dépenses publiques plus élevées alors que la dispersion entre partis est associée avec moins de dépenses publiques. Cette constatation implique que le mode d’organisation et la discipline au sein des partis politiques ont de l’importance. Ce résultat est particulièrement intéressant car la littérature précédente a fait abstraction de la dispersion idéologique au sein des partis. Ensuite, nous avons montré que la dispersion idéologique est principalement pertinente pour les dépenses de fonctionnement. Le deuxième chapitre s’intéresse au conflit d’objectifs qui peut exister entre agents économiques dans le cadre d’un jeu en deux étapes avec paiements asymétriques. La littérature a montré que les défaillances de coordination sont fréquentes dans les jeux en une étape et que la communication peut aider les individus à se coordonner par l’emploi de stratégies de take turn pour réduire l’inégalité des gains à long terme. Notre contribution a été d’étudier si la communication a la même capacité dans un jeu en deux étapes où l’équilibre parfait en sous-jeux exige que les deux joueurs fassent des choix opposés aux deux étapes du jeu et acceptent des gains inégaux. Nos résultats montrent que les défaillances de coordination se produisent la moitié du temps et que 18% des paires utilisent la stratégie de take turn. La communication augmente considérablement la coordination sur l’équilibre parfait en sous-jeux car elle augmente la capacité des sujets à amorcer une stratégie de take turn et à la maintenir. Elle leur permet d’établir une stratégie de long terme qui accroît l’efficacité tout en diminuant les écarts de paiements, induits par les gains asymétriques, en échangeant leurs positions relatives d’une manière équitable. Nos résultats montrent que la communication peut résoudre les conflits de coordination, même dans des situations plus complexes que dans les jeux en une étape généralement étudiés jusqu’à présent. Le dernier chapitre s’intéresse à un type de conflit particulier : la sécession politique. Plus précisément il traite du lien entre sécession, décentralisation et identité de groupe. Nous essayons de déterminer, au moyen d’une expérience de laboratoire, si décentraliser l’offre de biens publics permet de réduire la probabilité de faire sécession. Nous mettons en exergue l’importance de l’identité au niveau local. Le protocole expérimental ne permet évidemment pas de reproduire l’ensemble des arbitrages auxquels les mouvements séparatistes font face dans le monde réel. Il permet, néanmoins, de capturer deux forces essentielles: la proximité avec le bien public qui réduit les phénomènes de passagers clandestins et rapproche le bien public des préférences du citoyens et l’importance des identités locales. Nos résultats indiquent que la décentralisation augmente les contributions aux biens locaux et diminue la probabilité de sécession aussi lorsque l’identité locale est rendue saillante. En fait, une forte identité locale augmente la probabilité de sécession seulement lorsque les membres des groupes locaux sont des coopérateurs et qu’ils contribuent aux bien publics locaux. / This PhD thesis falls within the fields of public finance and public choice. It studies the following issues: ideological polarization, decentralization and conflict. It consists of three chapters can be read independently. In the first chapter the focus is on the importance of ideological polarization between but also within political parties on the level and composition of cantonal public spending. The analysis is on Swiss cantonal parliaments and is based on the use and econometric treatment of a very rich database. We made two contributions to the literature on the impact of political fragmentation on public spending. First, we showed that ideological dispersion within political parties is associated with higher public spending while the dispersion between political parties is associated with less public spending. This finding implies that the mode of organization and discipline within political parties are both important. This result is particularly interesting given that previous literature has completely abstracted from ideological dispersion within political parties. Lastly, we showed that ideological dispersion between and within political parties is mainly relevant for current expenditures. The second chapter focuses on the conflict of objectives that may exist between economic agents in a two-stage game with asymmetric payoffs. The literature showed that coordination failures are frequent in one-stage games and that communication can help individuals coordinate with the use of take turn strategies that allow for a reduction in the payoffs’ inequality in the long run. Our contribution was to study whether communication has the same capacity in a two-stage game where the subgame perfect Nash equilibrium requires both players to make opposite choices at both stages of the game and accept unequal payoffs. Our results show that coordination failures occur half of the time and that 18% of the pairs use the take turn strategy. Communication significantly increases coordination on the subgame perfect Nash equi librium because it increases the ability of subjects to initiate a take turn strategy and to maintain it. Thus, communication allows subjects to establish a long-term strategy that increases efficiency and reduces payments differences, induced by the asymmetry in payoffs, by exchanging their relative positions in a fair way. Our results show that communication can solve coordination conflicts, even in more complex situations than in one-stage games usually studied until now. The last chapter focuses on a particular type of conflict: political secessions. Specifically, it addresses the link between secessions, decentralization and group identity. We aim at determining, by means of a laboratory experiment, if decentralizing the provision of public goods reduces the likelihood of secession. We emphasize the importance of local identity. Our experimental design, obviously, do not reproduce all the trade-offs that separatist movements face in the real world. It allows, however, capturing at least two key forces that drive these movements: the proximity to public goods that reduces the phenomena of free-riding and brings public goods closer to citizens’ preferences and the importance of local identities. Our results indicate that the Decentralization treatment increases contributions to local public goods and decreases the likelihood of secessions also when identity is made more salient. If fact, reinforcing local group identity increases the likelihood of secession only when local group members are cooperators.