京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(情報学) / 甲第18408号 / 情博第523号 / 新制||情||92(附属図書館) / 31266 / 京都大学大学院情報学研究科社会情報学専攻 / (主査)教授 多々納 裕一, 教授 石田 亨, 准教授 畑山 満則 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Informatics / Kyoto University / DFAM

Introduktion: Prehospital sjukvårdsledning är ett koncept som används vid skadehändelser och är en ledningsstruktur med definierade roller och beredskapslägen. Sjukvårdsledare är ansvarig för att bedriva sjukvårdsinsatsers ledningsarbete på skadeplatser. Syfte: Att beskriva ambulanssjuksköterskors upplevelser av att vara sjukvårdsledare vid arbete på skadeplats. Metod: Studien har en kvalitativ design med induktiv ansats. Åtta ambulanssjuksköterskor i södra Norrland intervjuades via semistrukturerade intervjuer. Manifest innehållsanalys användes som analysmetod. Resultat: Analysen resulterade i fyra huvudkategorier: Att ta sig an en stor och oviss uppgift, att ha ett stort ansvar i en utmanade situation, att uppnå kontroll genom samverkan samt att utvecklas i sin roll som sjukvårdsledare. Majoriteten kände stress inför ankomst till en skadeplats samt att brist på information påverkade möjligheten att förbereda sig. Allvarliga skadehändelser kunde ge en känsla av hopplöshet. Sjukvårdsledarrollen är viktig och krävande och stärks av erfarenhet. Besluttagandet upplevdes utmanande samt innebar ett stort ansvar. Vikten av att ha kontroll genom strukturerad och organiserad ledning samt att kunna anpassa sig och samverka med andra aktörer som polis och räddningstjänst var något som betonades. Det fanns behov av att reflektera och dela lärdomar efter händelser för att utvecklas. Slutsats: Att vara sjukvårdsledare är en komplicerad och krävande roll för ambulanssjuksköterskor. De kan uppleva stress, oro och rädsla att misslyckas. Trots utmaningen är ambulanssjuksköterskor stolta över arbetet när de lyckas. Det behövs kontinuerlig och verklighetstrogen utbildning samt reflektion för att känna sig trygg som sjukvårdsledare.

No description available.

Between 1921 to 1941, Canada and Japan were close trading partners. The end of World War II provided the two countries with the opportunity to resume their former economic relationship. However, Japan was a defeated country, lacking in resources and credit, and subject to the Occupation led by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers. In contrast, Canada was left with a strong economy and political independence. In 1945, Canada was invited to participate in the Far Eastern Advisory Commission that later became the Far Eastern Commission in 1946. In August 1946, Canada established a Liaison Mission at its former Legation in Tokyo. Using archival material, this study explores how trade was conducted between 1945-1951 and explains how Canada and Japan redeveloped their economic relationship during the challenging years of Occupied Japan.

Between 1921 to 1941, Canada and Japan were close trading partners. The end of World War II provided the two countries with the opportunity to resume their former economic relationship. However, Japan was a defeated country, lacking in resources and credit, and subject to the Occupation led by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers. In contrast, Canada was left with a strong economy and political independence. In 1945, Canada was invited to participate in the Far Eastern Advisory Commission that later became the Far Eastern Commission in 1946. In August 1946, Canada established a Liaison Mission at its former Legation in Tokyo. Using archival material, this study explores how trade was conducted between 1945-1951 and explains how Canada and Japan redeveloped their economic relationship during the challenging years of Occupied Japan.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utifrån Ledarskapsmodellens definitioner undersöka om de organisatoriska förhållandena påverkar plutonchefers möjlighet att utöva ett Utvecklande ledarskap. Undersökningen genomfördes som en kvalitativ studie genom intervjuer med plutonchefer vid Ledningsregementet i Enköping. Resultaten visar att omgivningen påverkar ledarskapet men i både positiv och negativ riktning samtidigt. En omständighet som i ett avseende är en begränsning är i ett annat avseende en möjlighet. Det är upp till ledaren att identifiera dessa möjligheter och utnyttja dem. Flera av de viktigaste slutsatserna återfanns utanför undersökningens syfte och är bland annat att den största påverkan plutonchefen har på sitt ledarskap återfinns i tidsbristen att närvara hos sina underställda. Den påverkan grundar sig i hög arbetsbelastning och indirekta konsekvenser av den generella personalbristen i organisationen. / The purpose of this study is to investigate, based on the Leadership Model definitions, whether the organizational conditions affect pluton managers' ability to execute a Developing Leadership. The survey was conducted as a qualitative study through interviews with platoon commanders at the Command and Control Regiment in Enköping. The results show that the environment affects leadership in both positive and negative directions at the same time. A circumstance that in one respect is a restriction is in another possibility. It is up to the leader to identify these opportunities and make use of them. Several of the key conclusions were found outside the purpose of the survey, and among other things, the biggest impact the pluton manager has on his leadership is found in the shortage of time to attend his subordinates. This impact is based on excessive workload and indirect consequences of the general staff shortage in the organization.

The thesis at hand analyzes the activities of the Police of the Czech Republic, a fundamental component of the Integrated Rescue System, on the level of tactical control while intervening in selected emergency situations. The theoretical part includes an analysis of available legal standards and documents related to the activities of the police while carrying out rescue and salvage operations. The empirical part comprises of qualitative and quantitative researches done in a specific sample of respondents. The first research corpus was involved in structured interviews that were held with chiefs of the executive bodies of the police; the second research corpus was involved in a questionnaire survey that was carried out in a sample of policemen performing the direct service. The survey reveals the level of awareness of the policemen with the issues relating to the Integrated Rescue System. The outcomes of the survey are shown in graphs. The thesis concludes that there is no systematic training of the police officers and police employees working for the Police of the Czech Republic and it offers alternative solution of the training method to be employed when explaining issues associated with the Integrated Rescue System at the workplace and while the work is in progress

A tese aborda o chamado poder de guerra nos Estados Unidos da América buscando compreender a dinâmica institucional da decisão sobre a utilização das forças armadas no exterior à luz das regras constitucionais e da experiência histórica daquele país. A controvérsia basicamente estabelecida é sobre quem, afinal, seria o soberano dos poderes de guerra, ou seja, se o Poder Legislativo ou o Poder Executivo possuiriam o poder de levar o país à guerra. Com esse objetivo, a tese analisa a denominada Cláusula da Guerra que assegura ao Congresso o poder de declarar a guerra, e também a Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe, que dá ao presidente o comando das forças militares do país. Nossa hipótese principal de trabalho assevera de que há, à luz do intento original, uma prevalência dos poderes de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, representado, por sua vez, em seu controle da soberania sobre a decisão da guerra, que desafia a Constituição e seu sistema de checks and balances levando a uma hipertrofia do Poder Executivo. No esforço de compreender essa inflexão realizamos uma análise da decisão da Guerra da Coreia em 1950. A Coreia é compreendida como um caso paradigmático que expressa a institucionalização dos poderes de guerra do presidente, com a autonomização da Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe em relação à Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Outra hipótese da tese é a de que decisões para o uso da força originadas de organizações multilaterais como o Conselho de Segurança da ONU e a OTAN têm favorecido a prevalência do poder de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, uma vez que elas têm sido interpretadas como substitutas de decisões de autorização que teriam que ser tomadas apenas pelo Congresso. / This thesis addresses the so-called war power in the United States, seeking to understand the institutional dynamics of the decision on the use of armed forces abroad in the light of the constitutional provisions and the historical experience of the country. The established controversy is on who, after all, is invested by the sovereign powers of war, ie, whether it is the legislature or the executive who would possess the power to take the country to war. With this objective, this thesis analyzes the so-called War Clause which ensures to Congress the power to declare war, and also the Commander in Chief Clause, which gives the President the command of the military forces of the country. Our working hypothesis asserts that there is, in the light of the original intent, a prevalence of war powers of the President of the United States, represented by its turn, in its sovereign control over the decision of war that defies the Constitution and its system of checks and balances, leading to the hypertrophy of the Executive Branch. In an effort to understand this shift we conducted a study about the decision of the Korean War in 1950. Korea is understood as a paradigmatic case that expresses the institutionalization of the war powers of the president, with the empowerment of the Commander in Chief Clause vis-à-vis the War Clause. We observe that the dynamics of the decision found in the Korean War is part of a still ongoing process of strengthening of presidential power, hampering the use of the War Clause. Another hypothesis of the thesis is that the decisions to use force originating from multilateral organizations such as the UN Security Council and NATO have favored the prevalence of the power of war of the President of the United States, as they have been interpreted as a substitute for authorization decisions that would have to be taken only by Congress.

The choice of the topic Readiness of members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic to the emergency in the South Bohemian Region for my thesis was my independent decision. This choice was entirely deliberate, since this service is also incorporated into the Integrated Rescue System (IRS). However the active service of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic in case of emergency can be very specific. The Prison Service of the Czech Republic may be according to Act No. 239/2000 Coll., on the Integrated Rescue System, used to deal with emergencies. It is incorporated among the other IRS bodies. All these bodies can be deployed to deal with emergencies, but only on condition of a written contract for the assistance. Usable forces and resources of the body must be known. Based on these facts I defined following objectives of the thesis: ? analysis of readiness of members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic to the emergency in the South Bohemian Region, ? detection of methods, possibilities and conditions of use of the Prison Service in this context, ? training materials design for members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic. There were also these two hypotheses tested: ? members and civilian employees are adequately trained and are ready to deal with emergencies, ? the Prison Service of the Czech Republic can be fully utilized for an active service in the solution of emergencies. If we focus on the first goal of my work, I have prepared an anonymous questionnaire containing eight questions to adequately analyse readiness. These questionnaires were distributed to all members and civilian employees of PS in South Bohemian Region. I would be able to confirm or refute the first hypothesis on the basis of these results. I could evaluate executed analysis on the basis of the obtained information and comment on the first hypothesis. The maximum number of points in the questionnaire was set for 24. The average score was between 19 to 20 points. It can be concluded that members and civilian employees are adequately trained, and the first hypothesis was confirmed. To be able to evaluate the second hypothesis, I had to perform historical analysis and due to this analysis I concluded that the second hypothesis can be confirmed only partially. The hypothesis was related to the possibility of deploying members and employees of PS on the incident. The historical analysis shows that this body was deployed in the past, however its forces and resources were not represented by members or civilians, but crews of convicted persons. This way of utilization was repeated and it could be said that the deployment of work crews is successful, so I concluded that the second hypothesis was confirmed, but only partially. The Prison Service is fully usable for dealing with emergencies, but its forces and resources are constituted mainly of work crews of convicted persons. If we focus on the legislation determining the use, communication or coordination of this body with the municipal authorities, this is provided only by contract for the assistance. I tried to design a document, how such contract for the assistance could look like. The next chapter outlines the information that could be used as a guide for the decision into what area and what depth members and civilian employees should be trained. Members and civilian employees are annually trained in this matter by the appropriate employee of PS. All objectives of the thesis have been met and are completed by own opinion of the author.

A tese aborda o chamado poder de guerra nos Estados Unidos da América buscando compreender a dinâmica institucional da decisão sobre a utilização das forças armadas no exterior à luz das regras constitucionais e da experiência histórica daquele país. A controvérsia basicamente estabelecida é sobre quem, afinal, seria o soberano dos poderes de guerra, ou seja, se o Poder Legislativo ou o Poder Executivo possuiriam o poder de levar o país à guerra. Com esse objetivo, a tese analisa a denominada Cláusula da Guerra que assegura ao Congresso o poder de declarar a guerra, e também a Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe, que dá ao presidente o comando das forças militares do país. Nossa hipótese principal de trabalho assevera de que há, à luz do intento original, uma prevalência dos poderes de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, representado, por sua vez, em seu controle da soberania sobre a decisão da guerra, que desafia a Constituição e seu sistema de checks and balances levando a uma hipertrofia do Poder Executivo. No esforço de compreender essa inflexão realizamos uma análise da decisão da Guerra da Coreia em 1950. A Coreia é compreendida como um caso paradigmático que expressa a institucionalização dos poderes de guerra do presidente, com a autonomização da Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe em relação à Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Outra hipótese da tese é a de que decisões para o uso da força originadas de organizações multilaterais como o Conselho de Segurança da ONU e a OTAN têm favorecido a prevalência do poder de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, uma vez que elas têm sido interpretadas como substitutas de decisões de autorização que teriam que ser tomadas apenas pelo Congresso. / This thesis addresses the so-called war power in the United States, seeking to understand the institutional dynamics of the decision on the use of armed forces abroad in the light of the constitutional provisions and the historical experience of the country. The established controversy is on who, after all, is invested by the sovereign powers of war, ie, whether it is the legislature or the executive who would possess the power to take the country to war. With this objective, this thesis analyzes the so-called War Clause which ensures to Congress the power to declare war, and also the Commander in Chief Clause, which gives the President the command of the military forces of the country. Our working hypothesis asserts that there is, in the light of the original intent, a prevalence of war powers of the President of the United States, represented by its turn, in its sovereign control over the decision of war that defies the Constitution and its system of checks and balances, leading to the hypertrophy of the Executive Branch. In an effort to understand this shift we conducted a study about the decision of the Korean War in 1950. Korea is understood as a paradigmatic case that expresses the institutionalization of the war powers of the president, with the empowerment of the Commander in Chief Clause vis-à-vis the War Clause. We observe that the dynamics of the decision found in the Korean War is part of a still ongoing process of strengthening of presidential power, hampering the use of the War Clause. Another hypothesis of the thesis is that the decisions to use force originating from multilateral organizations such as the UN Security Council and NATO have favored the prevalence of the power of war of the President of the United States, as they have been interpreted as a substitute for authorization decisions that would have to be taken only by Congress.