台灣主權問題，不但是中國大陸和台灣之間的歷史糾葛，更牽扯複雜的國際政治因素，人民對此有強烈的不安全感，因此，有部份人提出，利用公投投票來確定台灣未來之主權。因此「主權公投」的政治問題除了從內部因素，政黨競爭的軸線來檢視外，也無法忽視國際因素，尤其是公投在美中台關係中起的作用和變化。 本研究藉由對國際法自決權理論與公民投票制度的研究，分析國際當前成功以公投而獨立的國家案例，並以此為啟示了解台灣目前現勢，深入研究「主權公投」的動機、價值，並據以評估因主權公投可能引發的爭議。 / Given the uncertainty of Taiwan’s political status, the sovereignty of the island has not only been an heated issue in international politics, but also an unceasing dispute between Taiwan and China, which results in strong sense of insecurity among people of Taiwan. Therefore, it’s been suggested by some that the sovereignty of Taiwan be determined through exercise of plebiscite. Looking at the act of plebiscite on sovereignty, we have to examine inner factors of competition and cooperation of political parties, as well as multilateral factors, especially its impact on the triangular relationship between Taiwan, China and United States. The thesis examines theories of national self-determination and practice of plebiscite and analyses successfully executed plebiscites that result in independent nations. The motives and significance of plebiscite on sovereignty will be thoroughly discussed to evaluate controversies that may be invoked by practice of plebiscite, and finally to provide an insight into Taiwan’s political identity.

《讀者投書：「接近使用權」的實踐》是「中華民國新聞評議委員會」於報禁開放後出版的一本書的書名，顯然是認同「聯合國教科文組織」（UNESCO）所出版的一本書的書名《傳播權利》（The Right to Communcate）所意含的概念，即傳播是一項基本人權，而報禁開放後各報所增設的讀者投書版使讀者除了「接近」外並得以「使用」媒介。傳播權利強調的參與傳播過程的雙方要進行民主與平衡的對話。報紙的傳播過程中所涉及的雙方在報紙上進行對話場所是社論與讀者投書版，但是讀者意見必須要能符合報社內部的審稿標準才能被接受及刊登。事實上，報紙是以處理新聞的方式來處理讀者投書，因此這種對話是一種「結構性的對話」（Structural dialogue）。一般認為社論是在反映民意，但是讀者投書卻更像民意，特別是將它匯總起來看時，甚至有人以民意的溫度計（Thermometer ）來形容它。假使說社論真的是反映民意，但更重要的目的可能是在於影響民意，若從這個角度來看的，讀者投書版可能遠比社論更為有效。台灣地區在過去台獨的主張是被禁止的，因此傾向於支持台獨的報紙若想由社論來影響民意則必須擔負言責，但若由讀者投書版來表現，反而更具民意的影響性。就此觀點來看，讀者的傳播權利顯然是被報紙利用了。所以將讀者投書版的增闢視為公眾傳播權利的實踐，顯然是為其表面上的意義所迷惑了。

as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence. Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries. Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests. The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong. The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.