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臺獨運動萌興於一九四七年臺灣本島爆發「二二八事件」之後，一批 不滿中華民國政府行政作為之知識分子潛往日本，倡議成立「台灣共和國 」，開啟臺獨運動規模，繼而臺獨運動重心轉至美國，並於一九九一年因 中華民國政府之民主開放措施，而使臺獨運動重心遷回臺灣本島。由臺獨 運動之活動軌跡，顯見綿延四十餘年之臺獨運動，其動力已非單一因素所 能支撐，而係夾雜有歷史的、文化的、心理的、意識型態的、權力分配的 、外交的及省籍情緒的政治功能，亟需做有系統的探討分析。本文係採政 治系統動態模式，作為研究分析的架構，共計分為七大章，除第一章緒論 外，本文研究進程為（一）藉由探討台獨運動形成的內、外環境因素，了 解臺獨運動的歷史背景因素〔第二章〕；（二）逐一引介辨析「臺灣地位 未定論」、「臺灣民族論」、「臺灣民族自決論」、「一台一中論」等臺 獨運動之理論主張〔第三章〕；（三）針對目前活要臺獨派系「獨盟」、 「美系」、「新系」及「獨台會」之政治理念、組織變遷予以系統整理解 析〔第四章〕；（四）另再就臺海兩岸政府對「統一」、「反獨」之政策 作為及國際社會對臺獨運動之觀感反應，做一檢討〔第五章〕；（五）最 後運用模式變項理論，分析七種臺獨運動的可能發展方案〔第六章〕及六 種化解臺獨運動的政策建議〔第七章〕。以作為本文之研究發展及結論。

《讀者投書：「接近使用權」的實踐》是「中華民國新聞評議委員會」於報禁開放後出版的一本書的書名，顯然是認同「聯合國教科文組織」（UNESCO）所出版的一本書的書名《傳播權利》（The Right to Communcate）所意含的概念，即傳播是一項基本人權，而報禁開放後各報所增設的讀者投書版使讀者除了「接近」外並得以「使用」媒介。傳播權利強調的參與傳播過程的雙方要進行民主與平衡的對話。報紙的傳播過程中所涉及的雙方在報紙上進行對話場所是社論與讀者投書版，但是讀者意見必須要能符合報社內部的審稿標準才能被接受及刊登。事實上，報紙是以處理新聞的方式來處理讀者投書，因此這種對話是一種「結構性的對話」（Structural dialogue）。一般認為社論是在反映民意，但是讀者投書卻更像民意，特別是將它匯總起來看時，甚至有人以民意的溫度計（Thermometer ）來形容它。假使說社論真的是反映民意，但更重要的目的可能是在於影響民意，若從這個角度來看的，讀者投書版可能遠比社論更為有效。台灣地區在過去台獨的主張是被禁止的，因此傾向於支持台獨的報紙若想由社論來影響民意則必須擔負言責，但若由讀者投書版來表現，反而更具民意的影響性。就此觀點來看，讀者的傳播權利顯然是被報紙利用了。所以將讀者投書版的增闢視為公眾傳播權利的實踐，顯然是為其表面上的意義所迷惑了。

State identification has been a more and more important issue in Taiwan since 1990.¡@This study applies focus group interview for the analysis of state identification.¡@Interviewers will progressive interpret the state identification of themselves through interaction in a small group by focus group interview. Accordingly, the facts on affecting Taiwanese in state identification can be exposed, and outwards of state identification of Taiwanese can be further explored. ¡@¡@According to the findings of the study, party identification can drive state identification for Taiwanese, especially for those who have strong emotion in party identification. And their position of state identification is usually consistent with that of their identified party. Meanwhile, as for a Taiwanese who has weak emotion in party identification, age, provincial, background, and growing experience are the main factors that affect state identification. Moreover, concerning the symbol of the state, Taiwanese have different preferences and selections in parties and the name of the state. However, once the symbol of the state appears in an international occasion, national identification can drive a Taiwanese to generate a certain degree of emotion that connects with the symbol of the state. ¡@¡@Finally, this study further discovers that Taiwanese confuse the concept of national identification with that of state identification. The concept of national identification has always been used to discuss issues about Taiwan, and therefore Taiwanese are unaware of using national identification to discuss state identification.

as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence. Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries. Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests. The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong. The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.