由於台灣特殊的歷史背景、地理環境和種族多元性，無論是實體文化資源或無形文化傳說，都讓台灣的文化節慶極具特色與魅力，如果活動本身的內容豐富迷人加上行銷得宜，很有潛力成為各縣市的最佳品牌代表；然而，目前台灣所舉辦的眾多節慶活動，大多不具有明顯以品牌思維來經營的特徵。品牌經營是行銷重要的根基，要讓產品能永續的經營，一定要有策略地將商品或品名建立成為品牌。 / 我們已經進入了數位的時代，在資訊科技早已融入生活的今天，數位工具在行銷深度和廣度上能達到的效果已經明顯可見，但可惜的是，在眾多數位的工具中，被使用於台灣現行文化節慶行銷上的並不多，無論是工具種類或用途，甚至行銷人的思維上，都還停留在很基本的狀態中。 / 台灣眾多大型文化節慶活動中，大甲鎮瀾宮的媽祖遶境是國內極具代表性的一個節慶活動。自1999 年開始，臺中縣政府將遶境與其他文化資源結合擴大舉辦成為「大甲媽祖文化節」，2003 年正式更名為「大甲媽祖國際觀光文化節」，希望為這個龐大的民間信仰活動增加文化的深度與廣度。活動並納入多元的面向，期望能將此一活動經營成為國內文化節慶活動的第一品牌。 / 本研究是以大甲媽祖國際觀光文化節為例，以品牌策略來分析其現況，再從數位行銷的思維及應用工具中提出成為文化節慶品牌的建議。在行銷上，行銷人要能善用數位行銷的「即時」和「互動」兩大特點來打破地域和單向的行銷限制，將文化節慶的消息與內容即時且深刻地傳送到每個人的面前。唯有好的活動品質加上完善的行銷，才能讓節慶活動成為消費者心中的文化品牌，並藉此創造龐大商機並帶動地方永續性的發展。

語言是文化的一部分，反映出一個民族的歷史傳統、生活方式與價值判斷，呈現其獨有的世界圖景，並與其他民族有所區別。生活環境的變遷會影響人的思維模式與價值取向，兩次世界大戰是至今為止人類社會所進行最大規模、傷亡最為慘重的全球性戰爭，長期處在戰爭的緊張情緒狀態之下，人的內心變得脆弱敏感，對事物的認知與感受力更加強化並且具體。 戰爭對俄羅斯民族與文化的影響可以從文學、電影、音樂等各方面探討。歌曲是大眾文化之一，歌詞的語言精練，篇幅不長卻具有完整的意境，而且帶有旋律，容易廣為流傳。歌詞的語言能夠概括地表達歌曲的意境與氛圍。本論文希望能透過歌詞文本的詞彙與概念分析，建構出俄羅斯戰爭歌曲的語言世界圖景。 本論文從俄羅斯戰爭歌曲中的關鍵詞彙探討俄羅斯語言文化的重要概念：祖國、勝利、愛、命運、生死與幸福，除了可以具體呈現抽象的俄羅斯民族心智，以語言學習的角度而言，理解這些概念所構成的語言世界圖景有助於了解俄羅斯民族的語言與文化，更能有效掌握重要詞彙的運用。本論文的語料來自俄羅斯戰爭歌曲的歌詞，除可作為語言學習者與教學者的語言文化、歷史主題課程補充教材，對於翻譯領域以及字典編撰領域也提供進一步的思考面向，更可為往後探討不同時代、類型或主題的歌曲中之語言世界圖景的研究提供參考與對照。

1895年清廷把臺灣割讓給日本，臺人以民族大義，組「臺灣民主國」扺抗，事敗後，不願被日本統治的臺人，紛紛返回祖國大陸的中國，此後終日本領臺的五十年間，一批又一批的臺人陸續踏上中國，有獲得傳統科舉功名者，有參與中國革命運動者，有參加中國抗日戰爭者。回到中國後，他們所從事的活動是臺灣抗日運動的延伸，也是中國近現代民族運動及反帝國主義運動不可或缺的一部份，在相當程度內，他們的活動與兩岸關係的歷史進程進行了聯結。 本文共分為七章： 第一章 回返中國的科舉士群。論述回返中國的進士及其對乙未割臺的反應。他們乃是懷抱民族大義，以依依不捨的心情回到中國的，但回到所謂的祖國後，卻受到始料未及的遭遇，各界猜忌，甚至有以為抗日是「抗旨」者，種種情形，不一而足。他們始終忘不了臺灣，念念不忘臺灣。他們或者為官，或者致力於中國的新式教育工作，也有人從事政治活動。為了稍解思念臺灣之情，回到中國的科舉士群彼此之間相互酬酢來往。 第二章臺灣人與辛亥革命。在中國辛亥革命的過程中，臺灣人始終參與其間。丘逢甲是清末立憲運動的一份子，之後他從擁護立憲轉而贊助革命。革命運動之中除了直接的行動，經費一項尤不可缺，臺灣人無論是捐獻革命經費或是參與起義，均不落人後，可以說是出錢又出力，在辛亥年三二九之役尤為顯著。 第三章奔向北伐。中國的北伐，是為打倒軍閥及其背後的帝國主義，臺灣人林祖密早就支持孫中山的護法大業，而國民黨一全大會後創辦的黃埔軍校與中山大學，都有臺灣人就讀，臺灣青年就讀黃埔軍校與中山大學之餘，還組織「廣東臺灣學生聯合會」與「廣東臺灣革命青年團」，孫中山去世，臺灣人極力哀悼，北伐大軍出動後，臺灣人更是直接參加。 第四章參與反帝國主義運動。「五卅運動」是中國人大規模反帝國主義運動的序幕，發生在上海的這次運動，臺灣人也參加了，在波瀾壯闊的五卅運動狂潮下，臺灣人捲入中國的國民革命運動和共產主義運動之中。臺共在上海創立，參與建立臺共的臺灣人，部份也加入了中共，更有一些臺共黨人被安排到莫斯科東方大學受訓。 第五章夾縫中的臺灣人：國民黨或中共。在國共兩黨的鬥爭與分合過程中，不僅中國人，連臺灣人也被捲入這個旋渦。丘念台在國共二次合作期間，前往延安考察，回到廣東後，取中共民眾組訓工作之優點，組成東區服務隊，其下有自臺灣專程回到中國的臺灣青年加入。李友邦組成臺灣義勇隊，其下更是集中了大批的臺灣菁英。專研日本政情的宋斐如創辦《戰時日本》，專門收集和分析日本情報，提供中國政府及各界參考。 第六章臺灣人的傾軋：臺灣革命同盟會與臺灣黨部的紛爭。在國民黨主導下成立的臺灣革命同盟會與國民黨臺灣黨部，對於團結臺灣人抗日有所貢獻，但兩者之間都有著人事上的紛爭，臺人互相攻擊和指控，首任臺灣黨部主任委員翁俊明最後也因為不明原因猝逝。 第七章在抗日烽火下。日本對中國的侵略戰爭給中國造成巨大的損失，其間，留在臺灣的臺灣人受日本的殖民統治，另一方面，回到中國大陸的臺灣人則是在在各個部門直接或間接參加了這次的戰爭。臺人有加入中共陣營的，有在國民黨領導下致力的，更有直接在戰場前線衝鋒陷陣的，國內戰場固不必論，連在國外的緬甸戰場上，也有臺灣人參加。 結論。由於中國大陸政局動蕩不安，五十年間內憂外患不斷，始終沒有積極的臺灣政策，臺灣人到中國大陸，都是自動前往，不是中國當局主動爭取，他們到了中國沒有保障，時有危險，卻又不能團結，彼此傾軋，其道路是充滿曲折的。 / In 1895, when the government of Qing Dynasty ceded Taiwan to Japan, the Taiwanese, out of the righteousness of a people, organized the “Republic of Taiwan” to resist Japanese. After the resistance failed, those Taiwanese unwilling to be governed by Japan went to mainland China, their homeland then. Through out the 50-year governing by Japan, groups after groups of Taiwanese arrived in China continually. Some of them won scholarly honor or official ranks by taking imperial examinations, some joined Chinese revolutionary movements, and some participated in the war against Japan. For those who later returned to Taiwan, the activities they engaged in are an extension of Taiwan’s anti-Japan movements, also a part indispensible to China’s contemporary national movements and anti-imperialism movements. To a certain extent, their activities are closely connected to the historical progress of the relations across Taiwan Straits. This article is divided into 7 chapters. Chapter 1 Intellectuals going to China for imperial examinations Those scholars going to China and their response to the cession of Taiwan in 1895 are discussed. Embracing a national righteousness, they returned to China quite grudgingly. Once arriving in so-called the fatherland, they unexpectedly encountered suspicion from all circles. Even their action against Japan was considered “disobedient” to the imperial government. In spite of various situation, however, they never forgot Taiwan. They became officials or devoted themselves to the modern education in China. Some went into politics. To relieve their missing of Taiwan, the intellectual Taiwanese in China had friendly interexchange among themselves. Chapter 2 Taiwanese and the Revolution in 1911 In the progress of the Chinese Revolution in 1911, Taiwanese took part in it from beginning to end. Qiu Feng-jia was one of the constitutionalists at the end of Qing Dynasty. Later he altered to support the revolution. The revolutionary movements require direct actions, but funds are also indispensible. The Taiwanese never hesitated to contribute to fund raising or participate in uprisings. They made a great contribution to the Revolution in both funds and actions, significantly above all in the uprising on March 29, 1911. Chapter 3 Running for the Northern Punitive Expedition The Northern Punitive Expedition in China was to overthrow the warlords and the imperialism behind them. Quite early Lin Zu-mi, a Taiwanese, supported Sun Yat-sen’s great cause to protect the Provisional Constitution. Taiwanese students entered Huang-pu Military Academy and Zhong-shan University, both established after the First Plenary Assembly of Kuomintang (Nationalist Party). Taiwanese youth not only entered the Academy and the University established by Kuomintang, but also organized “Taiwan Student Union in Guangtong” and “Taiwan Revolutionary Youth Corps in Guangtong”. When Sun Yat-sen passed away, Taiwanese expressed great condolence over his death. After the Northern Punitive Expedition marched out, Taiwanese even participated in it directly. Chapter 4 Participating in anti-imperialism movements “May 30th Movement” is the overture for large-scale anti-imperialism movements by Chinese. In this Movement, which took place in Shanghai, Taiwanese also participated. Under the tidal waves of this grand Movement, Taiwanese were involved in national revolutionary movements and Communism movements in China. Communist Party of Taiwan was established in Shanghai. Some of the participants in establishing Communist Party of Taiwan also joined Communist Party of China, and some Taiwanese Communists were even sent to Moscow East University for training. Chapter 5 Taiwanese in a crack: Kuomintang or Chi-Comm? During the on-and-off process of clashes and collaborations between Kuomintang and Communist Party of China, not only Chinese but also Taiwanese were engulfed in the whirlpool. During the second collaboration period between Kuomintang and Chi-Comm, Qu Nian-tai went to Yan-an for a survey. After returning to Guangtong, by utilizing Chi-Comm’s merit in gathering and training people, he organized East Region Service Team, which was joined by some Taiwanese youth especially returning to China. Li You-bang organized Taiwan Volunteers, calling together lots of Taiwanese elites. Song Pei-ru, an expert on Japanese political situation, founded “War-time Japan”. He specialized in gathering and analyzing Japanese information to provide reference for Chinese government and others. Chapter 6 Internal strife among Taiwanese: The disputes between Taiwan Revolution Alliance and Kuomintang’s Taiwan Headquarters Taiwan Revolution Alliance and Kuomintang’s Taiwan Headquarters, both established under the guidance of Kuomintang, made a contribution to the unity of Taiwanese against Japanese. There existed, however, personnel disputes between them, with Taiwanese attacking and accusing one another. The first appointed commissioner of Taiwan Headquarters, Weng Jun-ming, died suddenly with the cause unaccounted for. Chapter 7 Waging warfare against Japanese The aggressive war by Japan caused tremendous damages to China. During the war, the Taiwanese remaining in Taiwan were ruled by the Japan’s colonial government. On the other hand, those returning to mainland China participated in the war directly or indirectly at various departments. Some of them joined the camp of Chi-Comm, while others endeavored under Kuomintang’s leadership. Even at the frontline of battlefields, brave Taiwanese fought vigorously. Needless to mention domestic battlefields, Taiwanese were found fighting even in remote Burmese jungles. Conclusion Due to the unstable political situation in mainland China, with internal revolts and foreign invasions unceasing for 50 years, there was no active Taiwan policy all along. Taiwanese went to China all voluntarily by themselves, not initiatively strived for by the Chinese authorities. There was neither guarantee nor safeguard when they arrived there. To the worse, they engaged in internal strive without unity. Their road was complicated with ups and downs.

1945年8月15日二次大戰結束至10月25日台灣「光復」之間，台灣究竟屬於何種狀態？過去戰後初期研究往往直接探討國民政府與台灣人之間的族群對立，以及二二八事件發生之社會因素等課題，並未探討日本戰敗對台灣帶來的涵義及此71日的「真空時期」。因此本論文將以戰爭結束前後至國民政府來台接收前為觀察範圍，探索當時的台灣社會與台灣人之動向。 戰爭結束前，在台灣總督府嚴密統制下，大部分台灣人無法獲知「開羅宣言」之存在，也對戰局趨勢並未持有正確的預見。因此台灣島內的台灣人於戰爭結束前並未有面對日本戰敗，以及台灣歸還中華民國之心理準備，直至1945年8月15日戰爭結束，台灣人依舊與日本的帝國主義政策聯繫著。戰爭結束當天，因為收聽廣播之環境相當有限，透過「玉音放送」獲知戰爭結束及日本戰敗的人並不多，甚至有部分人士將之誤解為天皇激勵繼續作戰之宣傳。 　　然而透過台灣總督府之公告、媒體報導以及人人口耳相傳，日本戰敗之消息終究得以傳達至台灣島內。戰爭結束後，一方面日本統治最高機關的台灣總督府以及約15-17萬的日本軍仍然留駐台灣，掌控台灣社會；但另一方面，隨著中國來台之消息遍及台灣，日本當局逐漸失去威信，在治安、經濟方面皆出現惡化趨勢。在如此狀況下，台灣知識份子憑藉各自思想與做法，為台灣未來四處奔走。如林獻堂，採取較為慎重態度，一方面與日本當局保持良好關係，一方面致力維持治安。吳新榮則對新時代懷有莫大期待，著手於三青團之組織，積極地展開迎接「祖國」之事宜。然而當時台灣人對中國懷有的「祖國認同」，並非具有現實經驗，也是未經理性思考的觀念。當他們實際與中國接觸時，難免顯露陌生與失望之感。儘管如此，強烈的「祖國認同」仍舊支撐著台灣人擁護中國的熱情。 　　以辜振甫、許丙為首的所謂「八‧一五獨立事件」，過去大部分研究皆認為其主因為日本軍煽動，少數研究則否定日本軍之參與。本論文使用私人日記、回憶錄、新聞報導等的資料，再次探討此事件之相關人物的言行及背後因素，並認為此事件實為日本軍與台灣人共謀的一場歷史事件。 　　台灣與日本、中國兩者之間的關係，無論於日治時期或戰爭結束後，皆對台灣命運具有相當深刻之影響。發生於時代轉換之際的「八‧一五獨立事件」，恰好表現其一端。透過本論文，筆者希望再度仔細探討台灣近代史的複雜性，以及對今日台灣境遇之影響。 / Between August 15, 1945-- the official end of World War II-- and October 25-- the date Taiwan underwent “retrocession” into China-- what was the political situation in Taiwan? Past post-war studies often discuss the ethical conflict between the Nationalist Government and native Taiwanese as well as the social reasons surrounding the the 2-28 Incident, but often fail to mention the meaning of Japan’s defeat for Taiwan and the 71-day “vacuum period” following the Japanese surrender. Therefore, the research period of this thesis is set between the end of World War II and the Nationalist Government takeover of Taiwan. It discusses Taiwanese society and the Taiwanese movement of this period. By the war’s end, most Taiwanese neither knew about the “Cairo Declarations,” due to the strict censorship of the Governor-General of Taiwan, nor could they foresee the results of the war. Consequently, most Taiwanese were completely unprepared for Japan’s defeat and Taiwan’s retrocession. Until the war was over on August 15, Taiwanese were completely subject to Japanese imperialist edicts. The day the war was over, because the broadcast system was so limited, few people heard news of Japan’s defeat through the “Jewel Voice Broadcast,” otherwise known as the “Gyokuon-hōsō.” Some people even mistook the broadcast as the emperor’s call to continue fighting. But finally, news of Japan’s defeat spread throughout the island via the Governor-General’s notice, news media reports, and word of mouth. And while the Governor-General and between 150,000 and 170,000 Japanese troops stayed in Taiwan to control Taiwanese society, as news of approaching Chinese troops spread, the Japanese authority gradually lost prestige. Public order and the economy began to deteriorate. Under such circumstances, the Taiwanese elite looked to their own ideas and methods for the future running of Taiwan. For example, Lin Xiantang (林獻堂) conservatively maintained good relations with the Japanese authority on one hand, but on the other hand, devoted himself to protecting social order. Wu Xinrong (吳新榮), eagerly anticipating the coming new era, started to organize the Youth League of the Three People’s Principals, aggressively preparing for the welcome of the “Motherland.” Nevertheless, the “ancestral identity” that Taiwanese felt toward China was, at the time, an idea lacking both experiential and rational bases. Therefore, those Taiwanese coming into contact with Chinese found it hard to avoid feelings of unfamiliarity and disappointment. However that may be, a strong idea of “ancestral identity” continued to prop up Taiwanese support and enthusiasm for China. Regarding the “8-15 Taiwanese Independence Incident,” which Gu Zhenfu (辜振甫) and Xu Bing (許丙) allegedly masterminded, most past studies consider this an intrigue stirred up by Japanese troops, while a smaller number of studies completely deny Japanese involvement. This dissertation uses private diaries, memoirs and news reports to examine the words and deeds of the players, and the background reasons for the incident, finding it to be an historical event in which Japanese troops and the Taiwanese elite conspired together. Whether during the period of Japanese rule or during the post-war period, the relationships between Taiwan and Japan, and Taiwan and China both have significant meanings for Taiwan’s fate. Occurring at the juncture of two political rules, the “8-15 Taiwanese Independence Incident” neatly reveals this point. Through this dissertation, the author hopes to examine in greater detail the complexity of Taiwan’s recent history and the effect this history has had on Taiwan’s current political situation.