本篇研究的目的是要去比較中文跟英文小孩的誘發過度泛化現象的不同之處。誘發過度泛化現象指的是小孩子因為受到之前誘發過的字的影響進而造成對物品過度泛化現象的情況而稱之。Gershkoff-Stowe et al. (2006) 認為Dell (1986) 提出的擴散激活機制 (spreading activation mechanisms) 可用來解釋小孩的三種泛化錯誤類型: 類別錯誤 (category errors) 、語用錯誤 (pragmatic errors) 跟提取錯誤 (retrieval errors)，此三種泛化錯誤的基底機制應該都是同樣的。另外，他們也認為最近激活跟形狀的類似對小孩的命名應該都扮演了很重要的角色。年紀較大的小孩也應該會擁有比較成熟的心理詞彙所以會比起年紀較小的小孩比較不容易受到之前提取過的字的影響。因為中文跟英文心理詞彙的不同，我們想去檢視是否一樣的理論也可套用在中文小孩身上。實驗方法沿用了Gershkoff-Stowe et al. (2006)的相同實驗法，做了與他相同的兩個實驗。第一個實驗是熟悉物與不熟悉物的命名，兩歲小孩要做六次的試驗，然後我們是用三張圖片做為誘發圖片，然後請小孩去命名一個真實的物品。第二個實驗是虛構物品命名，我們在這個實驗裡比較兩歲小孩跟四歲小孩的不同表現。實驗過程跟實驗一是一樣的，只是實驗二是看虛構物品不是真實物品，且有八個試驗機會而不是六個。結果顯示有一個跟英文大致上類似的結果。然而我們仍有發現一些不同之處。第一，我們發現熟悉物在中文裡比起英文似乎有更強的力量。第二個則是兩個語言不同的構詞法可能會對於比較成熟的心理詞彙造成不一樣的誘發方式。 / This purpose of this study is to compare the difference of priming overextension phenomena between Mandarin Chinese children and English children. Priming overextension means that children overextend some words due to the effects of the previously primed words. Gershkoff-Stowe et al. (2006) found that spreading activation mechanisms (Dell, 1986) should be the underlying mechanisms of three types of children’s overextension errors, i.e., category errors, pragmatic errors, and retrieval errors. Moreover, they thought that recent activation and perceptual similarity both play an important role on children’s object naming. Besides, older children should have a more mature mental lexicon and thus less susceptible to previously retrieved words than younger children. Due to the difference of the lexicon networks between Mandarin Chinese and English, we want to examine whether the same theory also could apply to Mandarin children. Two experiments which followed Gershkoff-Stowe et al. (2006) were conducted. The first one was familiar or unfamiliar object naming. 2-year-old Children underwent six trials and were primed by three pictures and then were asked to name a real object. The second experiment was novel object naming. We compared the performances of children aged 2 and aged 4 together. The procedure was the same as the experiment 1 despite the fact that children in experiment 2 named novel objects rather than real ones and they underwent 8 trials rather than six. And results showed a generally similar finding with English. However, there are still something different between these two languages. First, we found that familiar objects should have stronger strengths in Mandarin than in English. Second, different morphology in two languages may result in different priming way for more mature mental lexicons.

本研究主要探討台灣漢語兒童在日常家庭對話中，對父母行使請求時的語言表現及禮貌現象，以了解漢語兒童的語用發展歷程與現象。研究的重點主要是在兒童表達請求的言語行為時所使用的語言形式，以及人際關係中會影響兒童禮貌表現的因素及其反應在語言形式的使用情形。透過對兩位以漢語為母語的兒童長期互動的觀察，本研究發現，兒童在表達請求時，採用多元的語言形式，包含祈使句、直述句、帶有語尾助詞的祈使句、以及表達個人慾望或需求的陳述句。考量這些語言形式使用的情境後進一步發現，兒童傾向在一般的日常對話中多以表達個人慾望的陳述句為表達請求的主要語言形式，而在合作互動的情境中，主要的請求語言形式則絕大多數為祈使句；這樣的語言功能分工，在兩歲半左右可以明顯觀察得到。 另外，透過兒童語言形式表達禮貌的觀察顯示，兒童普遍會依照人際互動的一些因素來選擇表達請求時所適用的語言形式，尤以有效性及地位高低為主要的兩個考量因素。觀察中發現，兒童大量使用祈使句及表達個人慾望需求的陳述句來表達請求，而其他的語言型式相對上則少得許多，主要的因素很有可能是這兩類的語言型式，在他們與父母互動中最能有效達到他們的溝通目的。此外，兒童也會依照他們在表達請求時與他們父母間的地位高低來考量請求所要使用的語言形式。儘管觀察結果指出，兒童傾向使用能有效達到溝通互動目的的語言形式來表達他們的請求，必要時，他們也會依照互動雙方的地位關係進行語言形式的微調，這樣的語言表現有明顯的系統性；而這樣的系統性，進而突顯了兒童約略在三歲前即對禮貌在語言形式使用的影響有了初步的系統與了解。 除了句法結構外，兒童也會透過詞彙單位來傳達他們在請求所應注意的禮貌，例如，必要時，他們會使用「幫」、「請」、及「我們」來修飾或削弱請求時可能對對方所造成的影響。這些詞彙的使用在發展上屬於略晚才習得的語言形式。 最後，研究的結果也指出，雖然兒童表達請求時，使用較為間接而有禮的語言形式，未必較能有效地達到他們的溝通目的，但是如果在表達請求的同時，也進一步說明理由者，達到溝通目的的機率則有明顯的增加。另外，從語言形式和表達請求的情境及人際地位的互動中發現，兒童表達請求的基本語言形式極有可能為表達個人的慾望與需求的陳述句，儘管祈使句在所觀察的語料中使用的頻率最高。這樣的論點，不但符合其他文獻中針對兒童語言發展的發現，也貼近兒童語言發展為連續過程的觀點，且也反應了人類語言發展的基本歷程。 / This study aims to investigate Mandarin-speaking children’s requests and their linguistic politeness so as to contribute to the understanding of children’s pragmatic development as well as linguistic development. The present study is mainly concerned with what linguistic devices children utilize to issue requests in spontaneous interactions with their parents and what interpersonal factors may have an influence on children’s uses of request forms. These two issues were discussed through examinations over children’s spontaneous interactions with their parents in family settings. On the basis of the longitudinal data produced by two children, it has been found that when requesting, children draw upon various linguistic devices, primarily including simple imperatives, WANT statements, imperatives with sentence-final particle, and declaratives. Such a variety of request forms can be observed from an early age on, at around two years old, but demonstrates no remarkable development, judged simply by these formal devices used at different ages. When situational contexts are also taken into account, nevertheless, a developmental pattern regarding the request forms is thus revealed. In terms of situational contexts, children are found to use simple imperatives primarily to convey their requests when involved in interactive activities with their parents, whereas they tend to utilize both simple imperatives and WANT statements when having common talks with their parents. Such a division of labor can be noticeably observed when children are about two and half years old. As to children’s linguistic politeness when making requests, the results reveal that children are aware of the influence of certain interactional and interpersonal factors on the appropriate use of linguistic forms. Children are inclined to draw upon comparatively more effective forms to issue their requests, and therefore children by and large request with pure imperatives and WANT statements, since these two request forms may effectively obtain the desirable compliance from their parents. In addition to effectiveness, children may also take interpersonal status and request cost into consideration when judging which request forms to use in the immediate context. Such consideration of interpersonal status when determining the appropriate request forms to use may thus reflects children’s awareness of politeness at around the age of three. In addition to syntactic structures, children are also found to draw upon lexical items to show their deference to politeness. Children may use such lexical forms as qing ‘please’, bang ‘to help with’ and women ‘let’s; we’ to mitigate the illocutionary force in their requests. These forms, despite their low frequencies in the data, may thus reveal children’s sensitivity to politeness when making such a face-threatening act as requests. The use of these polite lexical forms also discloses a comparatively late development in linguistic politeness; children may not use such polite forms until they reach the second half of their second year. A late development is also observed in the respect of children’s use of reasons to justify their requests. The results show that children’s justification may generally increase the effectiveness of their requests, but such use is infrequent and only observed at a later age, around the age of three. Finally, the results of the investigation into the data may suggest that WANT statements are highly likely an earlier developed request form and the prime linguistic forms children rely on to issue their requests, given the findings that children tend to request with WANT statements when interacting with parents at a lower status as a child and that children’s use of request forms are prone to the effect of interpersonal status. Such a suggestion may not only conform to the findings in previous studies with regard to children’s linguistic development in requests, but also accord with the general developmental pattern of human languages.

本篇論文針對三位以臺灣華語為母語的音韻異常兒童，採長期觀察的方式，研究中文顎音[tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ]的習得狀況與產製現象。習得狀況方面，詳細描述顎音的習得順序、常見的語音錯誤之音韻歷程、延遲的音韻歷程類型、錯誤取代模式隨著年紀增長而改變的情形。產製現象方面，本篇論文探討了顎音所在音節的音節複雜度(Syllable complexity)是否會對顎音的正確率以及錯誤取代狀況有所影響。 本研究共觀察三位年齡為三歲十個月至五歲三個月且正在接受語言治療的音韻異常兒童長達六個月，以每週一次的頻率前往醫院收集幼童與語言治療師之間的自然對話，並利用錄製回來的影音檔做譯寫和分析。 結果顯示，音韻異常兒童的顎音習得狀況有以下現象：(1)顎音發展較為停滯，幾乎沒有隨著年齡的增長而有進步的現象。(2)音韻異常兒童在發顎音時，會系統性的使用不該是他的年齡所應該出現的音韻歷程。(3)顎音的語音錯誤之音韻歷程種類不多，但使用的頻率卻非常頻繁。上述結果皆驗證了前人文獻的研究結果(Stoel-Gammon & Dunn, 1985; Jeng, 2011)。除此之外，本研究也發現音韻異常兒童具有以下特徵：(4)音韻異常兒童能夠察覺兩個音之間送氣特徵(aspiration feature)的不同，在選擇替代音時，也會選擇與目標音有相同送氣特徵的音來取代。(5)音韻異常兒童的語言能力和語言表現之間有落差，也就是說，他們知道能夠區辨出哪個是正確的音，但卻無法正確的使用該語音。(6)音節複雜度會對音韻異常兒童的顎音產製造成影響。因此，音韻異常兒童在顎音的習得狀況和產製表現上都和正常兒童不同。 音韻異常兒童使用的錯誤音的模式顯示塞擦音基底形式中的[stop]成分及[cont]成分並非均等(asymmetrical relationship)，且塞擦音是屬於以左邊的成分為主要核心的語音(left-headed)，並從第一語言習得的觀點為塞擦音的真實面貌提供了一項證據。 / The purpose of this study is to discuss the issue concerning the acquisition and production of Mandarin palatals [tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ] in Taiwan Mandarin-speaking disordered children. Four aspects regarding the acquisition of Mandarin palatals are included in this study: the order of acquisition, the phonological processes involved, the delayed phonological processes, and the path of error patterns. In addition, the effect of syllable complexity on disordered children’s palatal production is also examined. Three disordered children (aged 3;10 to 5;3) who were identified as having delayed phonological development are investigated in this study. A six-to-seven month of longitudinal observation is conducted by recording the spontaneous speech between the therapists and the children during the process of speech therapy. The results showed that phonologically disordered children have the following characteristics on palatal acquisition and production: (1) static phonemic system that stops at an early level of development, (2) persistent uses of delayed processes, and (3) frequent uses of phonological processes. These characteristics were asserted in the literature (Stoel-Gammon & Dunn, 1985; Jeng, 2011) and have been proved in this study. In addition, we found that disordered children are unconsciously able to notice the aspiration feature of two sounds, and will use an error sound that has an identical aspiration feature with the target. Moreover, the disparity between the linguistic competence and the linguistic performance in the disordered children was also found. Last, syllable complexity has found to affect disordered children’s palatal production. The substitution errors used by the disordered children support Schafer’s (1995) study, in which he claimed that the underlying representation of affricates is left-headed. To sum up, this study has provided a piece of evidence for the unsolved issue of the nature of affricates from the field of first language acquisition, and might serve as a reference for parents and speech therapists for understanding palatal acquisition and production in disordered children.

本文旨在探討英語人士在中文否定句的習得過程中，是否呈現系統性發展。本研究以訪問的方式進行語料的收集，以比較性問題引導語者產製否定句型。受訪者中八位在國立政治大學語言視聽中心學習中文，二位為長期居住在台灣之英語語者。十位語者的語言表現將視為一個整體，以Implicational Scaling的方法進行結果分析。 中文最主要的否定詞為「不」與「沒」。中文否定句不同於英文否定句在於中文否定句除必需考量句法結構之因素外，否定詞的選用尚必需考量語意因素。除傳統所認為「沒」乃由「不」所衍生出來，且「沒」適用於變化後的（inflected）動詞外，根據石毓智（1992）的分析，「不」與「沒」的使用，具有清楚的分工，「不」用來否定具「連續量」的字詞（word of continuous quantity），而「沒」用來否定具「離散量」的字詞（word of separate quantity）。此外，否定詞的使用，尚受限於被否定的字詞，其定量（fixed quantity）與非定量（non-fixed quantity）的約束。 就表面結構而言，受訪者總共產製了四十二個句型。將這些句型歸納成深層結構而後進行Implicational Scaling。研究結果顯示，英語人士依一系統性的發展順序習得中文之否定句。同時結果亦顯示學習乃由易到難，由普遍到特殊的發展順序。 / The present study aims to explore the developmental sequences of Chinese negation by adult English speakers. The study collects data by interviewing and uses comparative questions to elicit negative structures. Ten adult English speakers are interviewed in which eight study Chinese in The Language Center in Chengchi University and two work in Taiwan over ten years. It is hypothesized that most learners develop a language in a common sequence of steps even though there are deviations of individual speakers. Therefore, the ten informants are regarded as a whole to explore the developmental sequence of Chinese negation by Implicational Scaling. Two main negators in Mandarin Chinese are bu and mei. Traditionally, it is proposed that the two negators are in complementary distribution. Bu becomes to mei when the following verb is you or as an "inflected verb." Besides, according to Shi (1992), the two negators have definitely different functions: bu is used to negate words of continuous quantity and mei words of separate quantity. In addition, whether a word or a phrase is fixed-quantity one or non-fixed-quantity one also influences the occurrence with the negators. Accordingly, It is obviously that Chinese negative structures differ from English and is much more complicated than English. There are 42 surface structures of negation produced by the informants which are generalized into eighteen ones based on the rules of deep structures. And then they are scaled into an implicational ordering. The results are valid and we can infer the development of negation into several stages. Furthermore, it shows that negative structures which are specifically used in Chinese are acquired latter. Therefore, it is proposed that adult English speakers acquire Chinese negation in a common sequence, developing from general structures to specific ones.

本篇論文是針對六位以台灣華語為母語的嬰幼兒，採長期觀察的方式，研究 台灣華語字彙產製的音韻變化性(phonological variability)，並詳細描述單音節詞和雙音節詞之中音節類型出現的頻率、變化性、以及代換模式。本研究同時要用Jakoson (1968)的音節標記理論來檢驗各種音節類型中的共通性。 本研究一共觀察了有六位年齡在十一個月至兩歲的嬰幼兒長達一年。以兩個 禮拜一次的頻率收集嬰幼兒和母親之間的自然對話，並利用錄製回來的影音檔做 譯寫和分析。 結果顯示小朋友的音韻變化是很常見的，且是有規則可循的。小朋友的音韻變異量的高峰(variability peak)會出現在當小朋友的音韻發展從一個階段進展到另一個階段的時候，而本篇論文顯示與當小朋友由單字期(one-word stage)進展到雙字期(two-word stage)以及字彙量有大幅上升的時期符合。華語音節習得的部分，結果顯示CV 是頻率最高、變化性最低，且最常被拿來替換的音節類型。CVG 也是頻率高的音節類型之一，但他的變化性也很高，主要是因為韻尾省略 (coda-dropping)的現象在小朋友的早期發展很常見的關係，所以CVG 雖然頻率高但是變化性也很高而且是最常被取代的音節類型之一。 最後，將所有的結果拿來檢驗Jakoson (1968)的音節標記理論，結果發現頻 率高以及變化性低的音節類型都是無標記(unmarked)的音節類型，相反的頻率低 以及變化性高的音節類型則都是有標記的(marked)音節類型，此外小朋友會用無 標記的音節類型來取代有標記的音節類型。 / The purpose of this study is to discuss the issue concerning phonological variability of children acquiring Taiwan Mandarin. Two aspects are including in the following: the phonological variability of words and the syllable types composed the words. The overall variability pattern, the frequency, variability rate, and substitution pattern of syllable type were analyzed. Six participants are investigated in the study, aged between 0;11 to 2;0. A longitudinal observation study is conducted by the author and the research team. The results showed that phonological variability is common in early phonological development. The increase in variability reflects the reorganization of phonological system, where children started to produce two-word utterances and the amount of different words was increased. As for the syllable type analysis, CV presented the highest in frequency, the lowest in variability rate, and also was used to replace other syllable type more often. CVG was one of the most frequently used syllable type; however, the variability rate of CVG was also high. The reason may due to the fact coda-dropping is a very common phenomenon in children’s development. The results in this study were examined in the markedness theory of syllable proposed by Jakobson (1968). The results showed that syllable types with higher frequency and lower variability rates were unmarked syllable types, while syllable types with lower frequency and higher variability rates were marked syllable types. Furthermore, children tended to use a more unmarked syllable to replace a more marked syllable.