本文研究題目為「台灣民選地方領導人物變動之分析」。然因經由民主選舉產生的地 方領導人物範圍頗廣，因此，本論文限以光復後本省地方上最被重視與具影響作用的 縣市長及省議員為主要研究的對象。有時候為說明和比較其與基層領導人物之異同， 間亦有引用鄉鎮長及縣市議員之資料，以資參考或佐證，於此特先予說明。 本論文主要分為兩大部分：第一大部份為本文，第二大部份則是有史料性質旳附錄三 篇。 本文部份都十八萬言，共九章。衣論文性質可分為四部份：第一部份為第一章的導論 及第二章的台灣政治社會環境與演變。前章主要介紹本文的研究主旨、理論其方法； 對資料來源與運用作概略的交代，為研究清晰起見，也予以分類與分期，以增加觀察 的方便，為增強解釋和說明的份量，也設計了若干組問卷，探測地方領導人物的意見 。第二章主要是對台灣之歷史演變及社會環境概略性的敘述，俾便作為下文前導性之 介紹及引為說明之用。 第二部份計為第三章、第四章、第五章等共三章，第三章主要是從歷屆縣市長及省議 員的社會成份─性別、年齡、黨籍、籍貫、學歷、經歷等，依屆次觀其變化的趨向， 並分階段說明變化的現象和分析其理由。 第四章討論領導人物社會地位與變動，分析同一代間之垂直變動（又稱流動mobility ），依流動研究法，採用兩種研究途徑。 第五章是領導人物的類型與變動的分析。 第三部份探討影響領導人物變動的因素，也分為三章，即第六章、第七章及第八章； 第六章探討影響領導人物變動的個人從政行為的因素和法令變動對領導人物變動的影 響，因為從政行為的強弱與動機屬性的差別，會影響不同屬性的領導人物升降，法令 變化的影響，則對整批層次的影響且最有拘束力，其影響效果也最易見。第七章研究 執政的國民黨提名方式的變動及其對地方領導人物變動的影響，其次是研究執政黨地 方黨部與派系消長作用之間的關係。其間的關係，概可分為放任的，現實主義的、及 理想主義三種提名原則的變動關係。第八章則是影響領導人物社會因素的探討，筆者 從社會年齡組合的改變，教育質量的發展，及經濟發展，社會變遷等角度加以綜合的 檢討與分析。 第四部份是結論，第一節對整個論文作一綜合而扼要的總述，第二節基於客觀事實的 演變，是筆者提出建設民主中國的展望的一個看法。

臺灣縣市議員與縣市長選舉的政黨競爭程度不及中央層級選舉，然而相對於地方首長選舉多數呈現兩黨競爭，地方議員選舉的政黨組成則相對多元，可能是近似縣市長的藍綠對決，也可以是無黨籍遙遙領先其他政黨，或是由單一政黨與無黨籍囊括多數選票，這代表政黨在各地區的議員與縣市長得票存在程度不等的落差。本文即在於尋找能夠解釋議員與縣市長選舉政黨得票連動關係不一的因素，並以「得票差距」及「得票相關程度」測量政黨得票的連動性。結果發現，議員選舉選區規模與議員選舉有效票數（縣市人口規模）等「先天結構因素」與政黨兩項選舉的得票差距具有關聯；除了「先天結構因素」，地方派系與現任議員參選比例等「政黨本身可掌握的因素」同樣與政黨兩項選舉的得票相關程度具有關係。地方派系在地方選舉具有舉足輕重的地位，足以解釋政黨議員與縣市長得票相關程度的變化，不過其與政黨得票差距的關係則未獲得證實，本文推測可能受到派系測量的限制。政黨標籤對地方議員選舉的重要性確實不如縣市長或中央層級選舉，但隨著縣市長選舉的兩黨競爭逐漸滲透至議員選舉，其意義已較以往提升。議員選舉兩黨競爭的出現反映議員選舉政黨化的跡象。 / The party competition is weaker in county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections than in central elections in Taiwan. However, Electoral landscape of councilor elections is not the same in districts, rather than competition between two major parties in most county magistrate/city mayoral elections. Some are approximate two-party competition, some are parties lag far behind the independent candidates, others are single party and the independent candidates secure most votes. It indicates that the differences of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections vary in districts. The study explores the relationship of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections and uses “difference of party votes” and “correlation of the party votes” to measure the dependent variable. The results show that factors which parties can’t determine have something to do with the difference of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as district magnitude in county/city councilor elections, scale of population in districts. In addition to factors which parties can’t determine, factors which parties can determine also have something to do with correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as local factions, the proportion of incumbent councilors run for another term. Local factions are the pivot of Taiwanese local elections, and can explain the correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, but the relationship with difference of party votes can’t be verified according to the result of analysis. It could attribute to the measurement of factions. The party label is less important in councilor elections than in county magistrate/city mayoral or central elections, but becomes more meaningful when two-party competition penetrates into councilor elections. The competition between two major parties of councilor elections reflects councilor election towards party competition.

Au sortir de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les Coréens représentaient la première communauté étrangère au Japon. Beaucoup d’entre eux y subissait des discriminations et vivaient dans la précarité, voire dans l’indigence. Dans la deuxième moitié des années 1950, alors que les dirigeants nord-Coréens se proposaient de les accueillir, le rapatriement en Corée du Nord représenta pour nombre de ces Coréens l’espoir d’un avenir meilleur. De 1959 à 1984, plus de 93000 personnes – dont environs 2000 Japonaises mariées à des Coréens – gagnèrent le Nord du 38e parallèle. Toutefois, le gouvernement japonais, confronté dès 1974 aux demandes des familles de ces Japonaises, tenta d’obtenir des informations sur leur sort et leur retour au Japon. Le présent travail établit une cartographie des acteurs impliqués dans le processus décisionnel autour des rapatriements vers la Corée du Nord, mais également dans les négociations touchant à la question de ces femmes japonaises. Plus particulièrement, cette étude met en lumière le rôle d’ « acteurs subsidiaires » – notamment la Société de la Croix-Rouge du Japon et les parlementaires nationaux – intervenant là où les marges de manœuvre du gouvernement sont restreintes en l’absence de relations diplomatiques officielles entre le Japon et la Corée du Nord. Cette contrainte institutionnelle a eu pour conséquence l’investissement des champs d’action traditionnellement dévolus au Ministère des Affaires étrangères (négociation, protection de ses nationaux à l’étranger, renseignement) par ces « acteurs subsidiaires » dont l’analyse permet d’établir une image à la fois plus complète et moins stato-Centrée de la politique étrangère du Japon. / At the end of the Second World War, Koreans constituted the main foreign community in Japan. Many of them were subjected to discrimination, and lived precariously or even in abject poverty. From the latter half of the 1950s, when North Korean leaders were welcoming them and guaranteeing them decent living conditions, repatriation to North Korea represented hope for a better future for many of these Koreans. Between 1959 and 1984, more than 93,000 people – of whom 2,000 were Japanese women married to Koreans – arrived at the 38th Parallel North. Nevertheless, the Japanese government, confronted by requests from the families of these Japanese women from 1974, tried to obtain information on their whereabouts, and asked for their return to Japan. The present work establishes a mapping of the actors implicated in the decision-Making process concerning repatriation operations to North Korea, but also in the negotiations retated to the Japanese women. More specifically, this study highlights the role of the “subsidiary actors” – of which the Japanese Red Cross and national parliaments are the most prominent – those that intervened where the government’s margins for manoeuvring were narrow in the absence of official diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea. This institutional constraint led to an investment in fields of action that had traditionally been relegated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (negotiation, protection of nationals abroad, intelligence, etc.) by these “subsidiary actors”, and a subsequent analysis of these actors provided both a more complete and less state-Centred image of Japan’s foreign policy.

地方民意代表，以繼續連任為目標，對於選區的經營及選民的個案服務無不全力以赴，做好選區經營選民服務，是再次爭取選民選票支持的重要關鍵；本文以第一屆新北市65位現任議員為研究對象，透過對全體議員的問卷調查和對10位議員的深入訪談，探知他們對於選區經營選民服務的看法和作為，藉以了解地方民意代表如何服務地方服務選民的參考依據。 依問卷填答資料統計顯示，新北市議員平均聘請助理數7.40人，平均設置之服務處數2.16處，每星期選民反應請託案件數平均19.88件，每星期紅白帖平均數29.06張；以每周工作70小時計，花在議會問政25.55小時，選民服務時間39.91小時，自己事業時間4.54小時。議員為民服務最重視的項目依序是：選民個案服務、爭取選區地方建設經費、議會質詢及監督行政機關。各類型選民反應或請託案最多的是糾紛調解，其次是爭取社團、里活動經費補助和地方小型建設建議案。各不同黨籍或新科/連任議員皆盡全力做好選區經營選民服務，所以比較各項數據沒有明顯差異。 深入訪談第一部分訪談選區經營具特色及代表性議員，請議員說明其選區經營選民服務的理念和實際做法，詢問其選區特性、選民結構及選舉競爭，並了解其依個人特質所建立的選舉資源網絡。第二部分訪談市府規劃欲興建殯葬專區之選區議員，做為選區經營案例之研究，了解議員以何管道探知選民反對意向，如何發動選民陳情抗爭，如何維護選區選民權益，及利用此一議題進行選區經營的思維與策略。 / The local elected representatives go to great lengths to manage their electoral districts and to provide the best service for their votes as their main goal is to continue in office, and the key to it is to gain the voters’ support. This study will focus on the case of the 65 councilmen of the first session in New Taipei City. Through a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews with 10 of the councilmen, their viewpoints and behaviors related to their electoral district management and service are provided as to have reference to understand their ways of provided service. According to the statistical results of the questionnaire survey, the average number of assistant per New Taipei City councilman is 7.40 persons; the average number of service center is 2.16; the average number of cases of the voters for any request per week is 19.88; the average number of red/white envelopes per week is 29.06; they work 70 hours per week, for which 25.55 hours are spent in the parliament, 39.91 hours are dedicated for the voters and 4.54 hours are for their own business. The priority of tasks in importance are in the following order: voters’ cases, seeking for local infrastructure funds, questioning in the parliament, and supervision of the administrative offices. In regard to the type of the voters’ cases, the major issue consists of dispute resolution followed by the seeking of association or neighborhood subsidies and recommendations for minor establishments. The councilmen show no distinctive differences as all of them, regardless their political parties or seniority, are trying their best for good management and service for their electoral districts. As for the in-depth interview, the first part consists of the interviews with representative councilmen with features in their electoral district management. The interviewees are asked to provide their visions and practical executions for their electoral districts, and then explained the features of their electoral districts, the structure of the voters and the electoral competitions as to understand the online electoral resources established in accordance with their personal characteristics. The second part consist of interviews with the councilmen whose electrical districts contain planning funeral area by the city government as management case studies. Through the interviews, we are able to understand the councilmen’s channels to discover voters’ opposition, to mobilize voters for petition, to defend voters’ rights and to promote ideas and strategies for the electoral district management.