Literature Review: The current review presents a recent review of the effectiveness of psychological therapies to treat sleep difficulties (such as insomnia and nightmares) in sufferers of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The review also aimed to investigate whether there are differences in the effectiveness of specific psychological therapies to treat sleep disturbances in PTSD, such as between the different types of psychological therapies such as cognitive behavioural therapy for insomnia (CBT-I) and imagery rehearsal therapy (IRT). Eleven studies were included in the review that met the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Results are presented in tables and a descriptive account is included. The review demonstrates that psychological therapies are effective for the treatment of insomnia and other sleep difficulties such as nightmares. However, firm conclusions cannot be drawn about the effectiveness of different types of psychological therapies as studies predominantly used CBT and only one non-CBT study was included in the review. Comparisons between the effectiveness of different CBT approaches is also not possible as there was a large range of diversity in the study characteristics and also there were only a small number of studies for each intervention, which therefore limits the generalisability of results in the current review. It may be that different CBT interventions such as CBT-I or EERT and IRT may be better suited to treat insomnia and nightmares respectively, but further research needs to be conducted into which of these approaches are beneficial for different PTSD specific sleep difficulties. Empirical Paper: Initial studies demonstrate that self-compassion reduces symptoms of PTSD in Armed Forces Veterans (AFV), however the use of self-compassion approaches in AFV is under-researched. The current study utilised self-report and psychophysiological measures to investigate whether a single self-compassion experimental induction reduced hyperarousal symptoms (PTSD Cluster E symptoms) and increased feelings of social connectedness in AFV. The study hypothesised that there would be a decrease in hyperarousal symptoms and an increase in social connectedness, which would be associated with PTSD severity. Fifty-three AFV who had been deployed to a combat zone took part in the study, of which n = 15 (28.3%) currently met criteria for PTSD and n = 4 (7.5%) met criteria for Subsyndromal PTSD on the PCL-5. Participants listened to a recording of a Loving Kindness Meditation for self-compassion (LKM-S) and psychophysiological recordings were taken throughout. Participants completed state measures of hyperarousal and social connectedness before and after the LKM-S. Findings partially demonstrated that self-compassion can be elicited in an AFV population. However, changes on the self-report measures were largely not supported by psychophysiological measures, apart from skin conductance levels (SCL). The longevity of the effects observed in the study were not measured and should be investigated in future studies. Although this study has demonstrated that self-compassion can be elicited within the AFV population, further research is needed including to test a longer self-compassion intervention.

Magister Legum - LLM / As the world evolves new perils emerge which pose a significant threat to human and child rights, it is imperative that the protection of these rights is prioritised. Human rights can be defined as the rights that every human being is entitled to. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was one of the first international legal instruments which set forth the basic human rights of citizens which are applicable irrespective of race, culture, sex or economic standing highlighting the universal applicability of human rights. Human rights violations have been prevalent on the African continent due to regimes such as apartheid and the innumerable armed conflicts which have played out in states such as Sierra Leone, Angola, South Sudan and Uganda. Over the past century a variety of insurgent groups have emerged, and their actions has resulted in catastrophic human rights violations across continent. Insurgent groups such as the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, Al-Shabab in Somalia, M 23 in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Tajoura Battalion in Libya are some of the armed factions at the forefront of current conflicts.

A job is not only an economic factor for the individual; the work also has a great impact on the individual's well-being. It is therefore a prerequisite for employees to be happy at work, which places demands on the workplace. The purpose of the study is to investigate what soldiers and officers have for experiences of job satisfaction. This is answered by studying a specific company on an aircraft fleet within the Swedish Armed Forces based on these research questions: How do the informants experience their work situation at the company? What difficulties and opportunities can be identified based on the informants' work situation and how can these be understood? The thesis is based on a qualitative method and the empirical data has been collected through interviews with four officers and four soldiers. The theoretical framework is based on previous research on employees and job satisfaction, Herzberg's two-stage model and Karasek and Theorell's demand- control-support model. The results of the study show that both the soldiers and the officers feel that the high workload of the company causes the work situation to be perceived as worse. The informants also feel that they do not get paid for the work they do, that the workload prevents them from developing, that everyone does not get feedback in the way they had wanted and that the goals and requirements that are set for the function sometimes are too unclear. Furthermore, the results show that the officers and soldiers generally agree on how well-being is generally experienced at the company. The main difference between the soldiers and the officers is that the soldiers feel that their work situation is affected for the worse because they do not have the same powers to make decisions within the organization. What the informants especially feel is contributing to a more pleasant work situation is the good cohesion between the employees. The informants feel that their work situation is affected to a lesser extent by a number of aspects, but nevertheless the majority of the informants want to continue working at the company.

This thesis studies the effect of education on youth within vulnerable settings to resist joining armed groups. Two alternate causal mechanisms are derived from existing research. The first explanation hypothesizes that higher education increases the resistance among youth to join armed groups, since it reduces grievances by promoting social cohesion and equality. The second explanation posits that higher education increases the risk of youth to join armed groups, since raised awareness of injustices and discrimination fosters grievances. To test these hypotheses and further explore the causal relationship, the thesis is designed as a qualitative case study. Palestinian youth living in refugee communities in Lebanon who attend schools are compared to those who do not attend school. A field study to Lebanon was conducted in late spring of 2018 to interview representatives of organizations working with Palestinian youth. Eight in-depth interviews serve as material, which are analyzed using the method of structured, focused comparison. Considering the empirical evidence within the limitations of the study, I evaluate the explanatory power of the two causal mechanisms and provide an account of additional factors that may inform the foundation for future research.

One of the most significant events in the Cold War-dominated years of the 1950's and early1960's was the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. It not only has been reputed by most authorities as a major turning point in the Soviet Union-American struggle, but it dramatically illustrated the critical dimension of thermo-nuclear weapons in international relations. In addition, and of particular interest to one directly involved, it showed that firmness in policy and proper application of military power are key factors in obtaining favorable and peaceful settlements of international disputes.

Armed, illegal non-state actors control small but important sectors of both Brazil and Colombia. In these two countries, traffickers and large gangs concentrated in urban (and, in Colombia's case, also rural) areas clash heavily with state security forces, dominate significant numbers of the urban poor, and play a large, threatening role in the public's imagination. Some vital research has been done on the political and sociological dynamics within the zones controlled by these actors, but there is less in the literature that deals with the specific activities of community media and their relations with the ruling gangs and with local residents. This dissertation focuses on two community media groups, one in Bogotá, and one in Rio de Janeiro, both of which operate in informal urban slums controlled by gangs. It argues that in both cases these groups provide some checks to manifestations of authoritarian aggression, the infliction of arbitrary violence on residents and the climate of fear promulgated by the armed actors in these communities. These community media groups are able to do this by capitalizing on community resistance, by building informal relations and networks with gang membership, and by mobilizing notions of political legitimacy. / acase@tulane.edu

Armed, illegal non-state actors control small but important sectors of both Brazil and Colombia. In these two countries, traffickers and large gangs concentrated in urban (and, in Colombia’s case, also rural) areas clash heavily with state security forces, dominate significant numbers of the urban poor, and play a large, threatening role in the public’s imagination. Some vital research has been done on the political and sociological dynamics within the zones controlled by these actors, but there is less in the literature that deals with the specific activities of community media and their relations with the ruling gangs and with local residents. This dissertation focuses on two community media groups, one in Bogotá, and one in Rio de Janeiro, both of which operate in informal urban slums controlled by gangs. It argues that in both cases these groups provide some checks to manifestations of authoritarian aggression, the infliction of arbitrary violence on residents and the climate of fear promulgated by the armed actors in these communities. These community media groups are able to do this by capitalizing on community resistance, by building informal relations and networks with gang membership, and by mobilizing notions of political legitimacy. / acase@tulane.edu

In December 1945, four months after the end of the Second World War, two soldiers meet on an aeroplane flying towards Port Hedland, located in north-west Western Australia, the Pilbara district. Frank Grey found the war a horrific experience and is deeply traumatised. He is returning home, after an absence of five years, hoping to reunite with his wife, get his old job back, and continue on with his life as it was before the war. Patrick Gray is an Aboriginal. He also found the war horrific. However, for him, serving in the A.I.F. was also a liberating experience. For the first time in his life he received equal pay and conditions of white men. He found equality. He is hoping that because he, and other Aborigines, served in the armed forces, the social conditions for Aborigines will have improved in the 6 years he's been away. They are both disappointed.

This thesis argues that General Abdul Haris Nasution, the most influential military strategist that Indonesia has produced, developed an elective affinity between his strategies for 'people�s resistance' and an organicist vision of the proper relations between the state (including the military) and society that led to the Indonesian Army�s formulation of a unique, pervasive and highly durable means of military intervention in politics, the economy and society. Organicism is a stream of political thinking that views state and society as a single organic unity. Corporatist / functional modes of interest representation are often associated with organicist thinking. Nasution�s 'people�s resistance' strategies emerged during the armed struggle for national independence (from the Dutch) in the second half of the 1940s. The thesis argues that unlike the 'people�s war' strategies that emanated from the political left at roughly the same time, Nasution�s concepts were designed to uphold organic 'traditional' authority structures and depoliticise the national struggle. Associated with these strategies was a system of territorial commands that shadowed and supervised the aristocratically led civilian administration. The form of military intervention that grew out of this elective affinity reached its peak during the New Order regime of former President Suharto (1966 � 1998), when the army used its 'people�s resistance' doctrines and their associated territorial commands to control the population and the regime championed state-sanctioned corporatist / functional modes of interest representation. The identification of this elective affinity is a major point of departure from previous political biographies of Nasution. Another is the emphasis placed on Nasution�s family and personal life, particularly in the early chapters. This thesis explains how personal and family influences encouraged Nasution towards organicist thinking. It identifies how, in the early 1950s, Nasution idealised his 'people�s resistance' strategies and the support given to him during the armed struggle by organic 'traditional' authority figures. It shows how Nasution�s elective affinity between organicist thinking and 'people�s resistance' infused the interventionist doctrines that the army began to develop in the mid-to-late 1950s. In recent years the Indonesian Army has distanced itself from corporatist / functional forms of interest representation and has largely retreated from an active involvement in politics. Nevertheless, the thesis identifies a continuing adherence within the Army leadership to Nasution�s system of territorial commands and concepts of 'people�s resistance' that cannot readily be reconciled with democratic processes.

This thesis examines the relationship between justice and recovery for survivors of sexual violence in the aftermath of armed conflict. Using the case study of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the thesis evaluates whether international criminal justice can contribute positively to victim vindication and restoration. While the historical war crimes tribunals at Nuremberg and Tokyo have been widely criticised for exercising a “victor’s justice”, this thesis illustrates a discernible shift towards a form of “victim’s justice” that extends beyond the parameters of punishment and proportionality for serious violations of international humanitarian law (IHL). Restorative principles of justice have thus been increasingly incorporated within current international criminal jurisdictions, reflected in victim-friendly legislation at the ICTY and the recently established International Criminal Court (ICC). These developments recognise the significance of justice for victims in the aftermath of armed conflict. (For complete abstract open document)