[pt] Esta tese de doutorado investiga as ocupações das escolas na percepção dos estudantes no ano de 2016, focalizando estudantes que se posicionaram, respectivamente, de maneira favorável e de maneira contrária à ocupação. A pesquisa adota uma abordagem qualitativa e exploratória do tema, e leva em conta autores de referência que se debruçaram sobre temas como novíssimos movimentos sociais (Day, 2015; Gohn, 2008), coletivos sociais (Maia, 2013; Perez; Souza, 2017), juventude (Corrochano,2018) e tecnologias digitais de informação e comunicação (Castells, 2013; Spósito, 2014). As percepções dos estudantes sobre ocupações foram investigadas em três colégios estaduais de Ensino Médio do Rio de Janeiro, a saber: C. E. Prefeito Mendes de Moraes; C. E. Amaro Cavalcanti e C. E. José Leite Lopes. A escolha do campo esteve baseada na observação de 40 vídeos elaborados e postados por estudantes nas redes sociais durante as ocupações em diversas escolas. A partir desse conjunto de mídias, foi editado um vídeo gatilho, de aproximadamente quatro minutos de duração, que enfatiza temas posteriormente abordados em entrevistas coletivas realizadas com os mesmos estudantes. A pesquisa permitiu compreender que reivindicações relativas a problemas de infraestrutura escolar, a falta de diálogo sobre as demandas de professores e alunos e a eleição direta para diretor se expressaram como fatores promotores de unidade entre os alunos antes e no início das ocupações. O momento de cisão dos estudantes em dois posicionamentos opostos ocorre cedo, a partir da efetivação das ocupações, fazendo dessa experiência comum um fator de distinção entre duas visões de escola. A ênfase na dimensão relacional e afetiva da ocupação é significativa entre os estudantes posicionados a favor do movimento. Entre eles se evidencia um sentimento de pertencimento, uma visão da escola como um bem comum, um espaço feito para eles, estudantes atuais e futuros, e no qual desejam poder colocar suas opiniões. A ênfase dos estudantes na dimensão acadêmica e no potencial prejuízo causado pela ocupação no seu preparo para o Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio é significativa entre os estudantes contrários à ocupação. Entre eles também se evidencia uma preocupação mais pragmática com as aulas perdidas, com a falta de cobertura do currículo e com o enfraquecimento da perspectiva propedêutica da sua escola. A pesquisa também identificou ganhos materiais e simbólicos decorrentes da ocupação. Os primeiros envolvem aspectos tais como: i) medidas para assegurar a transparência no uso dos recursos públicos destinados à merenda escolar; ii) lei dispondo que a provisão do cargo de diretor das escolas da rede estadual de ensino passe a ser feita por eleição direta pela comunidade escolar e não mais por indicação; iii) reativação de medida legal relativa ao grêmio estudantil; iv) estabelecimento de repasse de R$ 15.000,00 (quinze mil reais) a cada escola ocupada para reparos emergenciais, exceto o Colégio José Leite Lopes; v) estabelecimento do compromisso de reforma de 185 escolas com pior indicador de infraestrutura e publicação dos gastos; vi) suspensão das avaliações estaduais. Entre os principais ganhos simbólicos esta pesquisa identificou mudanças institucionais para atender às reivindicações dos estudantes, como a de uma maior escuta por parte da direção das escolas e de um maior espaço para colocar suas opiniões. / [en] In this thesis, we investigate the perception of students who took part in 2016 schools occupation, focusing on groups of students who were for and against the movement. The research uses a qualitative and exploratory approach of the theme, considering authors who have studied the new social movements (Day, 2015; Gohn, 2008) and social groups (Maia, 2013; Perez; Souza, 2017), as well as youths and digital technologies of information and communication (Corrochano, 2018); Castells, 2013; Spósito, 2014). Students perceptions about the occupation have been investigated in three state high schools in Rio de Janeiro: C. E. Prefeito Mendes de Moraes; C. E. Amaro Cavalcanti; and C. E. José Leite Lopes. We have chosen these schools based on 40 videos, recorded and published by students in social networks during the occupation of different schools. From this media, a video of approximately four minutes was edited in order to emphasize themes that were going to be discussed in group interviews with the same students. By the research, we can understand that claims related to school infrastructure, to the lack of dialogue about teachers and students demands, and to the direct election of schools principals, promoted unity among students before and in the beginning of occupation. The moment of disagreement between the two groups of students, in opposed ways of positioning, happened right in the beginning of occupation itself, what shows two different views about school. Emphasis in the relational and affective dimensions of occupation can be observed in the discourse of students who were for the movement. They show that school belongs to them and is a common space made for current and future students, where they should be able to show their point of view. On the other hand, students who were against the movement emphasize the academic dimension of school and a possible damage caused by the occupation regarding their preparation to High School National Exam (ENEM in Portuguese), which is used for admittance to universities in Brazil. These students pragmatically worry about lost lessons, curriculum and a possible damage in school s propaedeutic perspective. The research has also identified material and symbolic gains, resulting from the occupation. Among the material gains, we can point out: i) actions to assure transparency in the use of public budget intended to students meals; ii) a law to establish that schools principals should be directly elected by the school community; iii) reinstatement of a legal measure related to students council; iv) establishment of R$ 15.000,00 (fifteen thousand reais) to be transferred to each school that was occupied, except the school José Leite Lopes, which received funds only for emergency repairs; v) commitment to overhaul 185 schools that had the worst infrastructure indexes, publishing all the expenses; vi) discontinuation of tests aiming on state schools accountability. Among the main symbolic gains, this study identified institutional changes focused on students’ claims, such as a greater dialogue with schools principals.

This thesis examines how trade unions are meeting the two-fold challenge of a fall in youth unionisation and a changed media usage amongst youth. The researcher attempts to answer this question by examining how three different trade unions (Sveriges Ingenjörer, SI, Kommunal and Hotell och Restaurang facket, HRF) are communicating with a younger generation for the purpose of recruiting them. The thesis is based on a theoretical framework derived from communications theories and practices specifically aimed at youth, as well as theories about union recruitment strategies, civic engagement and the logic of collective action (since unions represent collective interests). The researcher has applied a qualitative approach where the thesis rests on in-depth interviews with different respondents. The findings of the thesis reveal that all the unions have started to face up to the challenge of falling youth unionisation (by applying the advice put forward in literature on youth and health communications, and union recruitment literature). However, the findings note that the unions have applied the advice to varying extent, with Sveriges Ingenjörer being furthest ahead. In addition, the findings illustrate that the unions seem to be responding to the challenge of a changing media usage amongst youth. Yet, the researcher believes that the unions might do well in exploring a more participatory style of communication, since youth today have started to expect a higher degree of participation in their communication online. The findings also highlight that both Kommunal and HRF seem to be facing tougher challenges than Sveriges Ingenjörer in communicating with youth for the purposes of recruiting them because of differences between the sectors the unions organise.Finally, the findings reveal that the unions communicate with youth in accordance with Olson’s theory of logic of collective action (Congleton, 2015), which highlights that individuals will only join a union if there is an individual gain to offset the union fee.

This research contributes to gaps in the international relations literature explaining the emergence of transnational advocacy networks. Specifically, this research contributes to understanding TAN emergence due to a gap in institutional approaches to casualty recording in conflict and why actors join TANs. This TAN is particularly worthy of investigation because casualty records measure the scope of violence in a conflict and are often highly politicized and contested. Existing explanations of TAN emergence can be organized into three broad categories of analysis: sociological, political, and economic. The earliest explanations align with a sociological explanation for TANs as a mechanism for changing international norms. Social movement theorists account for TANs as a mechanism for civil society to challenge power structures. While other researchers suggest TANs should be treated like interest groups, and their emergence stems from an economic need for material incentives. This research extends the economic category of analysis and argues that actors join TANs for non-material, intangible incentives. Intangible benefits include knowledge, methodologies, data, or access to data sources. This research utilized a qualitative case study method to test all three categories of existing explanations using surveys, interviews, and archival records. Testing not only investigated hypotheses relating to the three categories of existing theories but also produced findings describing facilitators of TAN emergence, temporally-bound intangible benefits, and the types of intangible benefits available to actors. TANs are important to international politics because they influence norms, shape policies, and function as a bridge for local actors with the international community. This research produced findings with central themes about why resource-poor actors may spend their limited resources to join TANs. Further investigation into the intangible benefits available to actors joining TANs in settings other than conflict may provide greater insight into the value of intangible benefits to collective behavior. / Doctor of Philosophy / While body counts are generally presented as a measure of accountability or to raise awareness about civilian deaths in the public sphere, body counts are fiercely contested and highly politicized. This occurs during the conflict and decades after a conflict is resolved. Civilian body counts serve as political apparatuses for states and political actors to negotiate, challenge, and produce security narratives. Because of this politicization, the number of civilian casualties in violent conflict is not fully known, and their deaths' impact on the overall state's security is not well understood. While International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and human rights laws provide protection for civilians in conflict, documenting casualties is not addressed. International law does not prescribe methods for recording casualties; therefore, there is a gap in how international institutions approach accounting for casualties. In the early 2000s, facilitated by ICTs, civil society began to fill this gap by documenting casualties and collaborating across boundaries. This research traces the emergence of a Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) that appeared in 2009 to collaborate on recording conflict casualties. This study produced five findings and contributes to understanding how ICTs facilitate TANs and identifying intangible benefits available to actors at network events that motivate their participation. Intangible benefits include knowledge, methodologies, data, or access to data sources. This research is worthy of investigation because TAN development is poorly understood yet they influence international politics by shaping norms, policies and linking local communities with international organizations.

Yes / This paper focuses on the dispute over river Cauvery in Southern India. Among the causes of river water disputes are contested property rights, difficulty in enforcing such rights, conflict of uses and a lack of willingness to compromise. A co-operative outcome in such cases depends on several factors: asymmetry of power in a triadic relationship between a federal government and two riparian states (one upstream and one downstream). Other factors influencing co-operation are the extent to which the claims of river waters can be elevated from those of immediate riparian peoples to those of an entire state; the dominance of a masculine paradigm towards 'taming' river waters using 'hard' investments rather than 'soft' and decentralised alternatives. On the basis of district level data, the importance of river Cauvery to the hydrology, economy and polity of the two contesting states is examined. This analysis helps us to appreciate why the two riparian state governments have limited room to manouvre. Drawing from two brief case studies of Murray Darling Basin and recent litigation in the USA, and other international experiences of river water treaties, the paper identifies various implications for the resolution of Cauvery and other river water disputes.

Northern Iraq's Christians are a second-order minority. That is, they are a minority within a minority. They occupy a tenuous position between the Arab-dominated central government and the Kurdistan Regional Government. All Christians in northern Iraq desire to remain in their historic homelands. Yet efforts to advance a common political goal have been rare. Differences within the Iraqi Christian community center on three interrelated points: 1) the adoption and advancement of the Assyrian ethno-nationalist identity; 2) the struggle for leadership of the community between secular parties and church officials; and 3) the securing of group rights through either Baghdad or Erbil, which is typified by the debate over a province for minorities in the Nineveh Plain. The Islamic State's invasion in June 2014 made this dynamic even more complex. This dissertation explores how a second-order minority mobilized to protect its homelands during state breakdown and state recalibration. It examines how an Iraqi Christian political party, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), responded to the rise and spread of the Islamic State. More specifically, it analyzes the ADM's creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units (NPU), and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork, combined with existing primary and secondary sources, reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Notions of historic homelands and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors shaping this outcome. The ADM created the NPU to liberate occupied lands. More importantly, the NPU was created to ensure Christians retained a place in their historic homelands after the Islamic State was evicted. The use of the name "Nineveh Plains Protection Units" held strategic importance. The binding principle of the NPU was an indigenous-based attachment to the Nineveh Plain, including the right to defend it, and Christianity in Iraq. Both elements captured the common threads among all Iraqi Christians and the claim they make on the state. The ADM, therefore, was particularly attuned to Iraq's pre-Islamic ancient Mesopotamian heritage. This ironically echoed earlier efforts by the Ba'ath regime to instill a Mesopotamian identity among citizens by glorifying a common Assyrian and Babylonian heritage all could presumably share. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had to eventually align with either Baghdad or Erbil. The ADM chose Baghdad, effectively balancing against ISIS and the KRG in the Nineveh Plain. Baghdad proved a willing partner for a time. The ADM, however, was left alone to navigate the Nineveh Plain's position in the September 2017 Kurdistan referendum on independence. / PHD / This dissertation examines the Assyrian Democratic Movement’s response to the Islamic State. It analyzes the ADM’s creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units, and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Iraq combined with existing primary and secondary sources reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Homeland claims and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors driving this process. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had no choice but to pick sides between Baghdad and Erbil. The party eventually aligned with Baghdad. However, it was left alone to navigate Nineveh Plain’s position within the Kurdistan independence referendum.

Human communities across the globe are currently facing an epidemic of lake water quality degradation, primarily resulting from resource and land-use decisions that introduce excessive amounts of nutrients into the lake system. In many of these communities, local volunteer groups called lake associations work to protect these cherished lake resources. Lake associations and similar groups commonly respond to issues that are most prevalent in their respective watersheds including, but not limited to, algae blooms, declines in water transparency, and fish kills. Yet, there is little research on the role these groups actively or potentially play in lake governance and management. This study investigates the specific structures and strategies lake associations use to address lake water quality challenges using a comparative case analysis of two organizations: Lake Sunapee Protective Association (LSPA; Sunapee, NH) and Clean Lakes Alliance (CLA; Madison, WI). I performed a content analysis of self-published newsletters, annual reports, and news publications mentioning either lake association, and supplemented this data with semi-structured interviews of key individuals from each organization. I characterized and compared the missions, capacity, and activity of the two case studies by applying a conceptual framework as a lens through which to better understand the function these groups serve in their communities and what makes them effective. I found that, although the two groups structure themselves differently, take on distinct activity pathways, and orient themselves differently with respect to lake conservation, they have both been effective in achieving decision-making or management outcomes. This is a first step in identifying the diversity of ways community-based conservation organizations, such as lake associations, can meaningfully contribute to collaborative environmental governance processes on the local scale. / Master of Science / Around the world, people who live on lakes are dealing with significant declines in lake water quality. These declines have been linked to various land management decisions, which can introduce excess nutrients to the lake system that promote excessive algal or bacterial growth, and to the ways people choose to use the lake resource, which can introduce non-native, or invasive, plant and animal species. In many lake communities, local volunteer groups called lake associations work to protect their local lake resources. Lake associations can respond to the specific problems facing their lake and act to manage the lake resource and the land around it. Yet, there is little research on the role these groups actively or potentially play in lake management and conservation. This study investigates the specific organizational structures and strategies lake associations and similar groups use to address water quality declines in lake communities. I collected historic documentation and completed oral interviews for two case study associations, Lake Sunapee Protective Association (LSPA; Sunapee, NH) and Clean Lakes Alliance (CLA; Madison, WI), to characterize and compare their missions, organizational capacities, and activities. This analysis allows me to better understand what makes these groups effective and the functions they serve in their communities. I found that, although the two groups are structured differently and implement different strategies to achieve outcomes, they both have been effective in achieving lake management and conservation outcomes in line with their respective missions. This is a first step in identifying the diversity of ways community-based conservation organizations, such as lake associations, can meaningfully contribute to local environmental management and conservation.

<P align="justify">En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.</P> <P align="justify">Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.</P> <P align="justify">Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.</P> <BR> <P align="justify"><i>In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.</P> <P align="justify">The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.</P> <P align="justify">Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.</i></P>

The aim of this study is to analyze the conditions for legitimacy of the Wildlife Conservation Committees in two counties in Sweden. This study uses three concepts. Social networks, deliberation and learning as the main focus points to analyze. Olson's theory of organisations collective action with public goods stands as the theoretical perspective. Selective incitements are necessary to get them to promote the public goods. The study examines the legitimacy and functionality of the Wildlife Conservation Committees through interviews and an comparative study with the government bill 2008/09:2010. The results are that the governor with the leadership stands as a very important role to get organisations to make them promote collective action, because co-management thrives from it. The interest of hunters has an advantage when it comes to representation but only when the incentives for collective action are missing. The functionality differs between the committees when it comes to the form of management. Further research could expand the scope of this subject. Both the scale of included committees and with quantitative data research. The leadership role in co-management needs more focus in co-management studies.

Today we are experiencing an urbanization process at a speed never acknowledged before. With mobilityaccounting for a considered share of the environmental impact of these expanding urban ecosystems, the bicycleassumes an increasing fundamental role in the framework of sustainable development. However, despite gainingrecognition as valuable sustainable transportation alternative, it is still marginalized within a current car-centeredsociety. Collective action around cycling has therefore started to mobilize in order to defend cyclists’ interestsand needs. Yet, there is still limited research on its role on affecting urban development, as well as on its impacton the people who engage in such action. This thesis aims to fill this research gap by focusing on how collective action around cycling has shaped city andpersons. First of all, the collective action framework has been delineated by building on different authorscontributions: in this thesis, collective action has then been defined as an action of the collectivity for thecollectivity through the efforts of both single individuals and organized groups. Three sub-questions haveconsequently been investigated: how collective action changed its own practitioners, transforming theircapabilities and self-perceptions; how collective action has been shaped itself by cyclists group identity; and howsuch action has impacted the development of the city of Stockholm, taken as case study. The methods appliedinclude a literature review to provide relevant background, followed by a qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews. The informants involved were selected based on their engagement in the collective actionof the Stockholm scene, taken as case study due to its rather rapid process and quest in becoming a more bikeablecity. By analyzing their experiences and answers, the study results provide a new perspective on the impact ofcollective action, focusing in particular on the way group identification can strengthen and direct this engagementand on how the latter has contributed to a more personal development of its practitioners. The results build up on and also confirm previous findings in relation to dynamics typical of collective action andgroup identity, applying a more case-related perspective. In regard to its practitioners, collective action has beenfound to have an impact by enhancing a feeling of empowerment, freedom and community, affecting also non-practitioners and benefiting the society as a whole. Group identification resulted to play a significant role inshaping the different kinds of engagement, for example by focusing on contrasting the car hegemony within theurban system; however, consistent differences were found between high and low identifiers. For what concernsthe urban development of Stockholm, collective action has been found to have shaped the city in regards toinfrastructure, policies and organization, thanks to a growing network and political engagement of different actorsand organizations. The deriving increased awareness and recognition represent a core starting point for theachievement of future goals.

O artigo desenvolve o conceito de \'Empreendedor Político\' de Russell Hardin (1982), a partir da abordagem da Escolha Racional e da Teoria do Bem Público. Originalmente aplicado à Ciência Política, o objetivo é transformá-lo em um instrumento de análise para a avaliação do desempenho da ação de Estados nas Relações Internacionais. Para isso, o artigo lança mão da taxonomia de Soares de Lima (1990) para designar o comportamento \'empreendedor\' de países emergentes, e assim qualificar o desempenho do Brasil como empreendedor político em dois estudos de caso que serão objeto de consideração no artigo empírico. / The article develops the concept of \'Political Entrepreneur\' of Russell Hardin (1982), from the approach of the Rational Choice and of the Theory of the Public Good. Originally applied to the Political Science, the objective is transforming the concept in an instrument of analysis for the evaluation about the performance of States in the International Relations. For that, the article utilizes of the taxonomy of Soares de Lima (1990) for assessing the behavior of developing countries, and qualifies the performance of Brazil as \'entrepreneur\' in two case studies that will be object of consideration in the coming empirical article.