At the heart of this dissertation lie two political events that hitherto have predominantly been interpreted from the perspective of the xining reform and the factional disputes that accompanied it: the so called qingli reform (1043-1045), and a ritual debate (puyi 1064-1066). One goal of this work is to assess these on their own merits, and in this way gain new insights for our understanding of Wang Anshi's failure to maintain literati consensus in the xining-period, and the nature of 11th-century socio-political associations, or factions, in general. A considerable number of counterexamples cast doubt on views that interpret opposing factions as the manifestation of pre-existing, intellectual or social structures, with firm boundaries between groups prior to the actual dispute. Instead, our discussion of said political events, and the social relationships of actors at the time showed that there were ample connections between leading figures both in the 1030s and '40s, and prior to the puyi and xining disputes. It turned out that in both periods literati networks were much more diverse and ambiguous than the later disputes would suggest, but there was one crucial difference: earlier, literati had been much more likely to reestablish working relationships with erstwhile opponents and their networks, whereas such mending of fences appeared almost impossible in the latter half of the 11th century. To explain the difference from an intellectual perspective, we have turned to an interpretation of ritual offered by Seligman et al., which due to its bearing on social relationships is pertinent to the question at hand. Drawing on a diversity of texts about ritual, as well as the actions and positions taken during the two political events, we argue that views of ritual changed during the period in question: whereas the qingli protagonists had taken ritual on its own terms, and in this way made social ritual usable to keep up and reestablish relationships through intellectual disagreements and political defeat, important later figures relegated ritual to being a part of their larger visions of integrated orders, and as a consequence it lost the mitigating potential it had had earlier. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

During the eleventh century the Aquitanian monastery of St. Yrieix, located forty kilometers south of Limoges, acquired a new gradual, a manuscript containing the liturgical Mass chants for the year. The Gradual of St. Yrieix, now at the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale (Pa903), includes both text and music, redacted with the musical notation typical of the region of Aquitaine. The objective of this research is to analyze Pa903 as a document of liturgical musical practice and as a participant in the historical events of its region and time. While the Gregorian chant repertory dominates the gradual, this dissertation addresses the neo-Gregorian chants of Pa903, composed in the period following the dissemination of Gregorian chant throughout Europe. These neo-Gregorian chants were open to the influence of the contemporary regional musical style and cultural traditions surrounding St. Yrieix. Chapter II reviews the backdrop of historical events surrounding Pa903, focusing on the reform and expansion at St. Yrieix and its transition from a monastery to a chapter of canons. The musical and liturgical characteristics of Pa903 (Chapter III) show that St. vii Yrieix favored its senior patron St. Martin of Tours and St. Aredius (its patron saint) above St. Martial of Limoges (a powerful neighbor) and presented in the gradual a community of saints with strong regional influence. Chapters IV and V analyze the concordances of antiphons, tropes, prosulas, prosas, and neo-Gregorian Mass chants of Pa903 with those of the Aquitanian graduals and other sources throughout Europe. The tropes of the Proper and Ordinary, the complete repertory of prosulas and prosas, and the neo-Gregorian Mass chants of Pa903 are collected together here for the first time outside of Pa903. The neo-Gregorian chants are found in the sanctoral, temporal, and the ritual Masses and include a group of chants that reflects textual and musical elements of the prior Gallican tradition. The chant repertory of the gradual also presents a subgroup of forty-nine antiphons, prosas, prosulas, and neo-Gregorian Mass chants found only in Pa903, documented here with musical examples. / text

Al-Māturīdīyya are those who followed the teachings of Abū Mānṣūr Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Māturīdī who was in his turn a follower of the Īmān Abū Ḥanīfa. The school of al-Māturīdī, along with that of al-Ashʻarī, made a great impact on Islamic thought and together they upheld and defended Sunnism from the 4/10 century onwards. In the first part of this thesis, an endeavour will be made to get to know this scholar and other topics to be studied will include the period during which this school emerged, the position of Samarqand as the headquarters of the Māturīdītes, the teachers of al-Māturīdī and the students who studied directly under him and their contribution to Islamic thought. The second part of the thesis will be devoted to an introduction to al-Ḥakīm as-Samarqandī's work, As-Sawād al-aʻẓam. Al-Ḥakīm was the first student to study under al-Māturīdī and together they planted the first seeds of this school. In another section of this part a comparison between the teacher al-Māturīdī and the student al-Ḥakīm will be presented and this part will be ended by a translation of As-Sawād al-aʻẓam which embodies the early dogmatic thinking of the Māturīdīte school. The last part of the thesis is an appendix which deals with a mas'ala ascribed to Abū-l-Layth as-Samarqandī entitled: Is Īmān created or uncreated, Hal al-Īmām Makhlūg aw Ghayr Makhlūq?

Cette thèse porte sur l’iconographie de la Crucifixion dans les peintures murales carolingiennes entre le IXe et le début du XIe siècle. Pivot dans la pensée chrétienne par sa portée dogmatique, la Crucifixion reste cependant peu représentée dans l’Occident latin jusqu’au milieu du VIIIe siècle. La période carolingienne marque, de fait, un tournant décisif où la Crucifixion s’affiche progressivement sur tous les supports et à travers des techniques différentes, en même temps que l’iconographie tend à se cristalliser. Nous appuyant sur une documentation comptant treize décors peints entre le IXe et le début XIe siècle et répartis dans les anciennes limites de l’Empire carolingien et ses marges, notre étude vise à analyser ce thème dans l’art monumental, peu étudié jusqu’alors. Outre la persistance de formes au-delà de la chute de l’Empire et des frontières politiques, les peintures recensées mettent en évidence le recours à une construction visuelle tributaire de traditions diverses – en premier lieu textuelles – permettant d’exalter la divinité du Christ sur la croix, mais aussi d’insister davantage sur son humanité souffrante. Ces choix iconographiques font écho à l’orientation théologique qui se manifeste sous le règne de Charlemagne et de ses successeurs et au sein de laquelle la Croix et le Crucifié occupent une place majeure. Mais, bien plus que de réserver notre analyse au cadre de l’image, il s’agit également de dépasser le champ figuratif pour prendre en compte l’environnement spatial et cultuel de la Crucifixion, et ce, afin d’envisager les lectures de ce décor dans l’espace qui lui est imparti. En étant peinte sur la paroi de l’édifice religieux, la peinture fait partie non seulement du décorum de l’édifice cultuel, mais participe parfois également aux rites qu’elle encadre. Ainsi, à la lumière des sources exégétiques et liturgiques, il convient de replacer le décor dans la scénographie dans laquelle elle s’inscrit. Souvent associée à un autel (majeur ou secondaire), voire à des fonts baptismaux, la Crucifixion s’inscrit bien souvent dans des temps rituels spécifiques ou des pratiques dévotionnelles qui témoignent d’une transformation du sentiment religieux à l’égard de la Passion et de ses représentations. / This Dissertation focuses on the iconography of the Crucifixion in the Carolingian mural painting between the 9th and the beginning of the 11th century. Pivot in the Christian thought with its dogmatic scope, the Crucifixion remains however poorly represented in the Latin West until the middle of the 8th century. Actually, the Carolingian period is a decisive turning point when the Crucifixion displays gradually on all the supports and through different technics, at the same time as the iconography tends to be crystallized. Based on a documentation composed of thirteen decorations painted between the 9th and the beginning of the 11th century and distributed in the former limits of the Carolingian Empire and its margins, our study aims at analyzing this subject in the monumental art, poorly studied yet. Besides the obstinacy of forms beyond the fall of the Roman Empire and the political limits, the paintings listed highlight the appeal to a visual construction due to diverse traditions - first of all textual - allowing to exalt the Christ's divinity on the cross, but also to insist more on his suffering humanity. These iconographic choices comes from the theological shifting under the reign of Charlemagne and his successors. At this time, the Cross and the Crucified occupy a major place. However, this analysis exceeds the figurative meaning, in the way to consider the spatial and religious environment of the Crucifixion and clarify the readings of the decoration within its own space. Painted on the religious buildings’ walls, images are a part of the decorum. Moreover, based on exegetical and liturgical sources, we can argue that the paintings are sometimes used to the scenography of rites. Often associated with an altar (major or secondary), even in baptismal fonts, the Crucifixion seats in specific ritual times or devotional practices testifying of a transformation of the religious feeling towards the Passion and its representations.

The northern Iberian Bishopric of Calahorra was re-founded in 1045 by Garcia 111 of Navarre. Between that date and the death of its eighth post-restoration bishop in 1190 all or part of its diocesan territory changed hands seven times between the Kingdoms of Navarre, Leon-Castile/Castile, and Aragon, as they competed over the riojan frontier- zone on which it was located. The position of the diocese on such a volatile secular frontier had consistently profound, but also steadily changing, effects on its political and institutional development. In the initial phase of Calahorra's restoration, its bishop was enormously empowered by his central role in the consolidation of Navarre's southern and western frontiers, but was held back from establishing a centralized diocesan administration by the insecurities inherent in the borderland condition of his see. Following a change of political regime in the Rioja in 1076, the bishopric suffered the severe consequences of its total identification with a defeated secular power when its embryonic diocesan structures were comprehensively dismantled and its bishops subjected to a dominant and hostile crown that effectively undermined their diocesan authority. The debilitation of royal authority in the Rioja and the region's political marginalization between 1109 and 1134 provided the context for the emergence of the see's independent political stance and its notably autonomous and rapid development of a strong cathedral. When Leonese-Castilian regional dominance was forcefully reasserted between 1134 and 1157, the Bishops of Calahorra were able to put the forceful currents of canonical reform that emanated from an increasingly comprehensive and emphatically territorial secular ecclesiastical hierarchy to use in combining their centrality to the north-eastern border politics of the Crown of Leon-Castile with the independent pursuit of a specifically diocesan agenda. When Castile ceased serving Calahorra's territorial interests towards the end of the twelfth century, the see used the political leverage it gained by its inclusion in the Aragonese Metropolitanate of Tarragona to distance itself from Castilian politics, thus revealing its maturity as a frontier power in its own right.

Après la fondation de la première chartreuse en 1084 par Bruno de Cologne dans les Alpes, ces monastères, installés au départ dans des sites isolés, furent réputés pour leur austérité. Les moines, qui faisaient vœu de silence, vivaient reclus dans leur cellules la plupart du temps, ne se retrouvant que deux fois par jour pour célébrer la messe. Dans ce cadre, qui a donné lieu à une architecture spécifique, les premières mentions d’œuvres d’art, dans la législation, apparaissent dans la deuxième moitié du XIIIe siècle. Cette période correspondait à la fois à une modification de la structure de l’ordre, prenant en compte l’accroissement du nombre des maisons, et aux premières fondations à proximité des villes. Le rapprochement des centres urbains allait déterminer une relation nouvelle entre les chartreux et leurs bienfaiteurs, exprimée dans les donations d’œuvres d’art en vue de la commémoration. Si de la chartreuse de Vauvert, établie près de Paris en 1259, subsistent surtout des relevés de plaques de fondation et de tombeaux, les commandes d’œuvres d’art pour les chartreuses princières et royales de Champmol et de Miraflores, destinées à recevoir les tombeaux de leurs fondateurs, étaient plus variées. L’implication des chartreux dans l’aménagement du décor de leurs maisons est attestée par les sources. Elle peut être observée lorsqu’ils recevaient les dons d’œuvres d’art de la part de plusieurs bienfaiteurs et elle prend un sens particulier quand les frères commandaient eux-mêmes des tableaux. Dans la spiritualité des chartreux, les œuvres d’art avaient un rôle au sujet duquel les moines, en participant à leur création, pouvaient nous renseigner. / Following the foundation of the first charterhouse by Bruno of Cologne, in 1084, in the Alps, these monasteries, established at first in solitary places, were well-known for their austere conditions. The monks, which had taken a vow of silence, lived isolated in their cells most of the time, meeting each other only twice a day, to celebrate mass. In these monasteries, characterized by their own architecture, the first mentions of artworks, in the legislation, date from the second half of the 13th century. At that time, the structure of the order was being revised by taking into account the multiplication of the charterhouses. Furthermore, the first foundations near cities were then established. This proximity to urban centres would determine a new relationship between Carthusians and their benefactors, visible through the donations of works of art for commemoration. From the charterhouse of Vauvert, established near Paris in 1259, have been preserved mostly drawings of memorial tablets or tombs. Nonetheless, for the princely and royal charterhouses of Champmol and Miraflores, that were to house the tombs of their founders, the commissions of works of art were more varied. The Carthusians’ participation in building the appearance of their monasteries is attested by the sources. This fact may also be observed when the Carthusians received donations of works of art from several benefactors and a special significance is attached to it when the brothers themselves commissioned paintings. In Carthusian spirituality, works of art had a role about which the monks, by involving themselves in their creation, could inform us.