Novel The Fellow What is knowledge? Who should own it? Why is it used? Who can use it? Is knowledge power, or is it an illusion? These are some of the questions addressed in The Fellow. At the time of Australian federation, the year 1901, while a nation is being drawn into unity, one of its primary educational institutions is being drawn into disunity when an outsider challenges the secure world of The University of Melbourne. Arriving in Melbourne after spending much of his life travelling around Australia, an old Jack-of-all-trades bushman finds his way into the inner sanctum of The University of Melbourne. Not only a man of considerable and varied skill, he is also a man who is widely read and self-educated. However, he applies his knowledge in practical ways, based on what he has experienced in the

本文的主要議題就在於尋找「原住民神學」的著眼點以及它形成的契機。並試圖去理解「原住民神學」這個兼具探討信仰和文化兩方面議題的思潮現象。 一般傳統的神學並不將文化問題納入考量的主體，至今，原住民教會所提出的朝著「原住民神學」的思考方向，這個行動就呈現出一個非常有意義的社會文化現象，尤其是我們回顧早期原住民教會接受基督教信仰的歷程，其中就有各種相異文化的因素參雜其中，使人將此與今日「原住民神學」思潮的出現相互聯想；因此本文即從「異文化」觀點出發、透過探討原住民神學的來源，進行一連串假設作為方法的架構，從傳道人與異文化闡述彼此的關係，引證二者交互後產生傳道人文化立場的轉變，導致原住民神學產生的契機；進一步指出所謂的「原住民神學」具有很強烈的文化認同色彩，也因此他 顯示出了不尋常的社會意義與脈絡，在最後，本文將對它做一評估，指出它未來的前瞻性與將要面臨文化與信仰上的困境，以及這樣的討論將對現在學界認識的原住民信仰做一補充和調整。 因此，本文的第一章就先指出從傳道人的研究出發，來探討「原住民神學」這個代表思潮，他們與異文化觀點的學術關懷有著及密切的相關性。 在第二章中，討論傳道人與異文化彼此的交互關係，筆者以長老會的三大系統：宣教、教育和社會關懷來呈現二者的關係，從這種大範圍的、目前教會對於原住民教會歷史的觀點概述中，發現明顯地呈現異文化因素對這些工作的影響力，但是奇怪的是原住民接受新信仰以及新文化竟幾乎沒有出現衝突抵抗，導致我們看教會歷史的第一印象即是相當平順的過程。然後，真正的宣教歷程是否出於敘述的太過簡化，而掩埋了一些文化問題的蛛絲馬跡？ 第三章，筆者進一步以大歷東和行更多的傳道人文本來建立宣教歷程的民族志，以這個宣教過程的民族志，企圖分析出當時各種族籍傳道人的文化觀點與行動，我們從中發現當時宣教的理念和方式的確影響了原住民社會，尤其是展現在社會行為上，看到這些改變的社會行為有的直接影響舊有的部落生活、而制度上本土化基本上則與當時政策令相衝突，甚至也引發國家干預傳教工作的現象、教勢發展受挫、傳道人權威下降等現象已經潛藏。 第四章乃由於歷史的限制，泰雅族本族傳道人相當遲才開始廣泛使用文字、傳播媒體表達其立場；在這個部份，筆者仍以文本分析來探究原住民傳道人的文化理念，藉此與前面不同族籍傳道人相對照，並試圖解釋彼此之間以及大環境的影響如何改變了傳道人的文化態度。由於文化態度的改變，使得「原住民神學」的呼聲也伴隨在本土化運動的實踐中浮現。 第五章前以現象來說明「原住民神學」的出現，就是傳道人文化態度改變的表徵之一；然後傳道人原本歧異的文化態度展現在信仰與神學領堿時，卻引起各種爭議，這些文化行動的展現，都是傳道人從神學的角度來試著探求本族人對於本族文化認同的程度。在這樣嘗試的過程中，目前這股思潮內也有另一種聲音的衝擊，在泰雅族教會內、基於在本色化中持守福音本質的考量，則展現出這股思潮的另一種面貌，這種彼此相互拉扯的力量使得「原住民神學」議題的思潮進行有著極為多變的空間繼續演繹。 在最後一章中，我們回顧長老會歷來的文化行動，可以用Victor Tumer所提出的「社會事件」(social drama)架構，來觀察與解懌。看「原住民神學」生成的整個社會環境，以「社會事件」─破壞、危機、救濟過程和解決再整合，四個主體概念嘗試著理解「原住民社學」在整個社會中展現的意義。我們歸納長老會的本土化歷程為兩次本土化運動，這兩次運動最主要的差異點在於第二次本土化運動開始試圖將本色化議題深化進入神學思考的企圖，藉著行動的實踐之後以及教會內部信仰思考的衝擊，而使得「原住民神學」議題的建構充滿多變的發展性。而這個理念架構也帶領我們發現傳道人自己逐漸形成的信仰與文化概念、他們與當代的大社會相連結的情況，甚至也受到世界性的原住民議題啟發的同時，原住民傳道人不斷與異文化、大社會的互動事件，正是一種社會的過程。

大學入學考試是近代學生必經的人生歷程，我國當前採取大學多元入學制度，有著多種的入學管道，而在各種入學措施中會因為學生身分上的不同而有不同的優待措施或是加分機制。我國探討大學多元入學的文獻甚多，大多是總體性的研究，較為缺乏個體性的研究，本研究以個人申請入學制度為主，從教育機會均等來分析原住民學生在參與申請入學時的積極優惠措施，也就是在討論原住民外加名額所帶來的問題，並藉由標準Dunn政策評估的標準，指出原住民外加名額的不足之處，最後提出政策建議，供各界參考與討論。 從入學機會均等來分析可以發現，原住民外加名額可以使原住民學生錄取到比未受保障前更好的學校，或是跟一般學生相比較下可以有比較高的錄取機會，造成此現象的主要原因在於：(1)原住民學生自成一個比較的系統，只要能通過第一階段，錄取機會大大提升。(2)原住民學生的競爭對手少。(3)原住民外加名額十分充足。在原住民的族群當中又可以分為都會原住民和原鄉原住民，其中以山地原住民較需要外加名額之保障，但外加名額之保障使得都會原住民較佔優勢而會造成此現象的原因在於：(1)成長背景、教育資源的差異、(2)只要具有原住民血統，就可以受到原住民外加名額之保障。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在入學機會均等的問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有效率性、回應性與適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效能性、充分性、公平性。 從教育過程均等來分析可以發現，原住民學生透過積極優惠措施入學後容易產生學習壓力與心理壓力，且當前各大學也缺乏原住民文化與語言學習的相關課程，原住民學生在大學教育階段缺乏學習原住民文化與語言之機會，產生文化學習上的問題，而教育過程均等講求必須針對學生社經背景、能力、文化之差異，適時的給予積極性的差別待遇，很顯然我國大學該如何給不同的學生不同的教育方式，是未來值得思考之處。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在教育過程均等問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效率性、效能性、充分性、公平性、回應性， 本研究根據上述研究結果有五點政策上之建議，第一，個人申請入學採納原住民文化及語言能力證明；第二，在第二階段審查鼓勵各校系考量原住民學生的背景身分；第三，原住民部分外加名額參考離島外加名額之做法；第四，改善大學校院原住民學生輔導機制；第五，大學設置原住民語言與文化相關課程。 原住民外加名額最主要的問題在於地域之差異，使得原鄉原住民學生和都會原住民學生在入學機會上產生差距，另外再教育過程方面缺乏相關的輔助機制，使得原住民學生在學習上產生困難，也缺乏學習民族文化之機會，藉由制度上之改善，全面性的改善原住民學生在升學以及教育過程之問題，才有辦法達到教育機會均等以及發展、保存原住民民族文化之目標。

本研究以文獻分析法及實地訪談法等方式，以剖析台灣原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有到個別所有的演變關係。研究主題包括：一、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變歷程的要因與結果；二、明析日治時期迄今，不同統治者標舉「理蕃」政策或山地政策所隱含的決策目的，及統治者實現其決策目的採取的行為措施，暨這些決策目的與行為措施如何影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變；三、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的結果，對於原住民族的發展造成何種影響。 透過上述研究主題，希望達成三點目的：一、分析日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的過程、原因與結果，俾能連貫相關文獻的成果；二、分析日治時期迄今，統治政權賦予原住民族土地權利所隱含的決策目的、採取的行為措施，及其影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之進程，以檢討「理蕃」政策或山地政策是否達成為原住民族謀求福祉的目標；三、分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展的影響，以供未來重新建構原住民族土地財產權制度的參考。 研究進行期間，除蒐集並整理研析關於原住民族土地財產權制度之相關文獻，作為建立研究架構及佐證研究內容之基礎外，更深入山地鄉瞭解原住民族對土地財產權問題之意見，俾使論證內容更為周延有據。茲摘述研究發現如次： 一、日治初期原住民族社會慣行的土地財產權制度方面 （一）部落為領域內土地財產權最大的共同所有團體。 （二）部落內耕地、獵地或漁區歸屬組成部落之社經團體共同所有。 （三）組成社經團體之家族（家庭）享有其範圍內土地之使用、收益權。 （四）共同所有之土地財產權，無繼受問題；惟土地之支配、管理者隨部落或社經團體之領導者更迭而變更。 （五）土地之使用、收益權，依各族群之家產法則繼受。 二、土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展之影響方面 （一）原住民族產權領域急遽限縮，個別原住民使用保留地的權利範圍亦趨於微小，平均每人不超過3甲土地。 （二）原住民族土地利用型態，由日治初期之「半耕、半獵」變成目前的定耕農業。 （三）原住民族與平地人民的所得差距，益趨擴大，且所得來源以非農業收入為主。另者，山地原住民仰賴保留地為生甚深，但其土地生產力仍屬偏低。顯示賦予原住民族土地財產權個別所有，仍無法提昇其經濟能力。 三、不同時期政府政策影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之比較方面 （一）日治時期統治者之「理蕃」政策以攫取山地資源，回饋其宗主國經濟需求為要；光復時期統治者之山地政策在於維持原住民族社會安定，以鞏固政權為要。 （二）日治時期統治者之決策措施為「理蕃」措施；光復時期統治者之決策措施為山地政策措施。 （三）日治時期統治者之執行機制，以武力裝備的山地警察為主；光復時期統治者以不具武力裝備的一般行政機關為之。 四、詮釋分析觀點之事實方面 （一）制度的建立與發展具有累積性的「相互依存」特性，因此日治時期形成高砂族保留地制度授予保留地個別使用權，或光復時期形成原住民保留地制度賦予保留地個別產權，不同時期政府均事先實施相關「理蕃」措施或山地政策措施配合之。 （二）「資源攫取」為影響殖民政府是否實踐、落實「給予一定土地，使其耕種就業」之「理蕃」政策理想的重要因素。 （三）「政權鞏固」為影響政府實踐、落實「改善原住民族生計能力，提高其地位」之山地政策理想，及積極進行增劃編保留地的重要因素。 （四）殖民政府或我政府在面對各種主客觀條件時，均會權衡利弊得失而採取不同方法、手段、措施來趨利避禍、自求多福，以謀求自身最大的福祉與利益。 （五）在原住民族土地財產權演變過程中，因統治者界定高砂族保留地時缺乏考量原住民族傳統土地財產權觀念，且這些觀念仍發揮指導原住民族使用土地的作用，因此殖民政府根本未能有效監督、管理高砂族越界開墾之情事。 綜合本研究之論證與分析，歸納下列幾點結論： 一、日治初期原住民族社會以部落及部落內各種社經組織共同所有土地財產權，而組織成員則享有土地之使用、收益權能，並透過這套原住民族社會公認的土地財產權制度約束其內部的行為規範，達到維持社會秩序，減低護衛土地財產權的交易成本功效。 二、從討論分析瞭解，不同時期政府實施「理蕃」政策及山地政策的結果，未能達成為原住民族謀福祉的政策理想。其因在於，「理蕃」政策以掠奪山地利源為要；而山地政策以鞏固政權為考量，均在謀求統治者自身最大的利益，造成原住民族權益的損失。 三、日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的結果，造成原住民族土地財產權不斷流失，且未能有效提昇其經濟能力，使得原住民族之地位日趨沒落。因此，保留地制度及保留地財產權型態允宜適度調整，未來可考量留設一定面積保留地，土地財產權改賦原住民族共同所有，以確保原住民族賴以生存的機盤，並維護其文化存續發展。 四、原住民族土地財產權制度變遷的過程，衍生原住民族與平地人民對於保留地財產權之爭議，政府宜妥適圓滿解決，創造族群共榮的多元社會。 五、本研究以「資源攫取」、「政權鞏固」及「制度相依」等因素分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的觀點，均能從相關事實獲得合理詮釋。 / This dissertation conducted extensive literature research and field interviews in an attempt to explore the changes from the tribe ownership to the private ownership system of Taiwan aborigines’ land ownership right. The themes and the expected accomplishments of this research include the following: 1. To study the history and current status of Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, to analyze the causes and consequences of the changes in the past, and to verify the findings with other scholars’ arguments in the literature. 2. To study the ruling mentality, rationale, policies and regulations towards Taiwan aborigines from the Japanese occupants to the ROC government, to analyze the impacts of these policies on Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, and to explore whether Taiwan aborigines have benefited from such policies and regulations. 3. To study the overall impacts on Taiwan aborigines’ economical and cultural development, which was resulted from the changes to their land ownership right through the execution of different policies. The findings of this research could serve as recommendations to the government in setting up revised aboriginal land reservation policies for Taiwan aborigines. Through extensive literature research and field interviews with a few senior Taiwan aborigines about their memories, comments, and expectations with respect to aboriginal land ownership right, the following facts can be summarized: 1. The Land Ownership Right Before Japanese Occupancy a. The tribe leaders rule the land within a tribe’s territory. b. Each piece of farmland, hunting field, and fishing field belongs to a societal/economical group within a tribe. c. The societal/economical group has the right to farm or hunt on their assigned lands and owns the produce from the lands. d. Because the land is owned by a societal/economical group, there is no inheritance issue. The managing of the land is by the leader of the group. e. Traditionally members in a societal/economical group have the right to farm/hunt on a piece of land as well as to own the produce from the land. 2. The Impact of Land Ownership Right Changes on the Development of Taiwan Aborigines a. The land ownership right policies have limited the accessibility of Taiwan aborigines to land resources. Each aborigine has access to less than three aches of reserved land. b. The land reservation policy limited the aborigines to farm within their reserved land have changed the aborigines’ life style from half time farming and half time hunting to full time farming. c. Because productivity of each aborigine farm on his own reserved land is very low, the gap between the average income of aborigines and nonaborigines has been widening. Besides, the majority of aborigines’ income should come from non-agricultural sources. This reflects the fact that giving aborigines a piece of reserved land did not benefit them economically. 3. The Comparison of Different Land Ownership Right Policies by Different Governments a. The Japanese occupants’ aboriginal policy focused on seizing Taiwan’s mineral, forestry, and agricultural resources. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was only reactively trying to keep the stability of the aborigines. b. The Japanese occupant’s aboriginal policy was to “manage” Taiwan aborigines. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was a land reservation policy. c. The Japanese occupants ordered armed policemen to implement its aboriginal policy. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was executed by civilian officials in local governments. 4. Some Observations a. The Taiwan aboriginal policies by the ROC government and the Japanese occupants have its relationship. The Japanese occupants adopted land reservation policy for the aborigines, which led to private use of reserved lands. The ROC government has consequently adopted a more extensive land reservation policy for aborigines, which led to private ownership of reserved land by all aborigines. The policy of awarding private use privilege of land to aborigines by both governments had always been accompanied by the intention to manage the aborigines. b. Seizing Taiwan’s natural resources was the real agenda by the Japanese occupants behind their slogan of “awarding aborigines land to farm”. c. Maintaining the ROC government’s ruling power was the main interest behind her aboriginal policy of “improving aborigines’ quality of life and social status”. d. Even though the Japanese occupants and the ROC government chose different means and regulations to implement different aboriginal policies, avoiding pressures and satisfying their own agenda was what’s driving their aboriginal policies. e. The Japanese occupants did not appreciate Taiwan aborigines’ perception of land while awarding reserved lands to the aborigines. However the Taiwan aborigines disrespected the boundary of their reserved land, and the issue became unmanageable. Conclusions 1. Before the Japanese occupancy, Taiwan aboriginal tribes and the social/economical groups within the tribes rule the land they use. Members in a social/economical group have usage rights over a piece of land, and own the produce from that land. Because this system was well respected by all aborigines, there was little conflict or social cost with respect to land ownership right. 2. The past aboriginal policies failed to improve the aborigines’ quality of life. The interests of the two governments were either to seize Taiwan’s resources or to secure the ruling government’s political power. Taiwan aborigines’ welfare was sacrificed. 3. Taiwan aborigines’ perception about land ownership right changed from commonly owned by everybody to pieces of privately owned land. This reservation land policy for aborigines not only against the aborigines’ philosophy and lifestyle, but also violated economic principles of efficiency and productivity. Another conflict of interests arose due to competing over the reserved land to the aborigines by the nonaborigines. The land resources reserved for the aborigines have long been diminishing. Consequently, most Taiwan aborigines suffer from economic hardship and social disadvantage. 4. This research has explored the problems in the disputes land reservation policy for the aborigines. The following two recommendations are suggested: a. The government should actively resolve all over the reserved land for the aborigines. This can give back to the aborigines such land they deserve for generations. Resolving land disputes can also improve the relationship between all residence in Taiwan. b. Knowing the disadvantages of privately owning reserved land by aborigines, this research recommends that the government allocates additional portion from the total reserved land to the aborigines, which can be managed by aboriginal tribes and shared by all aborigines. Increasing the accessibility to more natural resources by aborigines will be a direct measure to improve Taiwan aborigines’ economic income, while in the same time, preserve their pride and cultural heritage. 5. This research has based on theories of “seizure of natural resources”, “securing governing power”, and “institutional dependence” to analyze the changes in Taiwan’s aboriginal land ownership right, and its negative impact to Taiwan aborigines’ life. Recommendations to government with respect to modifying the current aboriginal land policy were suggested.

Das üppige Spektrum der künstlerischen Methoden von Marina Abramović, Nikolaus Lang und Lothar Baumgarten in ihren Herangehensweisen an die Fremde reicht von spiritueller Kommunikation über Materialexperimente zu skeptischen Worten an der Wand. In drei Kapiteln über die Künstler werden die verschiedenen inhaltlichen Ebenen der Werke und ihre Bezüge zur eigenen und zu fremden Kulturen untersucht. In den Schlussbetrachtungen werden die Strategien der künstlerischen Annäherungen an die Fremde miteinander verglichen. – Nikolaus Lang arbeitete in Japan abseits urbaner Zentren. Er bedachte Objekte von den Rändern der Zivilisation mit „Ritualen der Achtsamkeit“ und fügte sie ein in seine „Japanischen Landschaften“. In Australien spürte er zuerst einer historischen Ockerkarawane der Aborigines nach und bearbeitete dann das Gebiet der Flinders Ranges in Südaustralien in mehreren Dimensionen. Seine Arbeiten enthalten die Schichtungen von Zeit und Raum und mit seinem Werkkomplex „Nunga und Goonya“ fand er eine ganz eigene Art und Weise, „das Land zu erzählen“. – Für Marina Abramović wurde die australische Wüste zu einem „Ort der Transformation“, ihre Erfahrungen dort und ihre Einblicke in den tibetischen Buddhismus nahm die Künstlerin in den Performancezyklus „Nightsea Crossing“ auf. Während ihres „Great Wall Walk“, ihrer Begehung der Chinesischen Mauer, erfuhr sie in besonderer Weise die „Energien der Erde“ und versuchte, diese mittels der „Transitory Objects“ ihrem Publikum erfahrbar zu machen. Ihren Körper mit seinen Energielinien wiederum stellte sie großen Würgeschlangen als „Erde“ in ihrer Performancereihe „Dragon Heads“ zur Verfügung. Tibetische Lamas und Aborigines lud sie für mehrere Werke zur Zusammenarbeit ein, sie fungierten dort als Träger spiritueller Kräfte. – Ein Schlüsselerlebnis in Leben und Werk von Lothar Baumgarten war sein 18-monatiger Aufenthalt bei den Yanomami am oberen Orinoco. Handelten seine davor entstandenen Arbeiten von westlichen Vorstellungen von der Fremde, so thematisierte er nun erlebte Nähe und unüberbrückbare Distanz, zuerst in seiner Anthologie „Die Namen der Bäume.“. Mehrere Arbeiten handelten von schriftlosen Kulturen und mit „Accès aux Quais“ eröffnete er in der Pariser Metro Gleise zu verdrängten Kontinenten. Gegenstand von „Carbon“ waren historische Schichtungen und Prozesse der Landnahme in Nordamerika. – In den Schlussbetrachtungen wird die Auseinandersetzung der drei Künstler mit der Fremde in systematischer Weise zusammengefasst und verglichen. Ergebnis dieser Untersuchung ist die Formulierung gemeinsamer Themen und Handlungsweisen, trotz aller Unterschiede der künstlerischen Ausdrucksformen: Von Vertrautem ausgehen - Vorstellungen von der Fremde / Erkundung und Orientierung / Sammeln und Ordnen / Mythen und Rituale / Die fremden Menschen - Begegnung und Zusammenarbeit.

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台灣原住民族有平埔原住民族（簡稱平埔族）及高山原住民族（簡稱高山族）二大族群，西拉雅族為平埔族群之一，鳳山八社為西拉雅族之支系。從財產權的制度變遷得知，自然資源權屬是從開放性共用資源、共有財產以迄私有財產制度之形成，人類經濟活動從狩獵採集轉變為定居農業時，正式形成私有財產的產權型態。荷蘭據臺以前，臺灣島上全屬番地，而分布於臺灣南部屏東平原的鳳山八社，以狩獵、漁撈及游耕為其主要之經濟活動，對於土地並無所有權的觀念，土地是共有的，頗為類似「封閉的共用資源」，已略具排他性質。在清治以後，由於漢移民不斷湧入，荒埔地逐漸減少，為提高番地之生產效能及維持社番基本生計，鳳山八社傳統之經濟活動，當須配合改變，然而，生產型態及技術之改變，不僅形成水田稻作農業，亦導致番社土地由共有型態轉變為地權私有化。 清治時期，分割地權或一田二主制為屏東平原傳統地權制度之一，分割地權是將所有權區分為業主權（大租權）與田主權（小租權），清廷為保護社番之地權，禁止漢人私墾荒埔地，鼓勵社番自行墾耕番地，如社番不自墾，准許番社或社番將番地租與〈給墾或佃批〉漢人，漢人以「代番輸餉」方式合法取得番地小租權，而番社仍保有大租權，爾後並形成在同一番地上存有大租權與小租權，而且可以各自分別處分其權利。另者，部分番地大小租權皆屬社番所有，社番因乏銀費用而典賣小租權，番業主僅剩收租權。因社番在經濟上屬於弱勢者，如以番租做擔保，向漢銀主典押或借貸，當期限期滿時，社番常無法清償，番租則繼續歸漢銀主收租，形成社番「地權虛有化」，本研究將以自行繪製之「清治時期鳳山八社番租分布圖」及「清朝晚期鳳山八社社番人口分布圖」予以驗證番業主地權虛有化的事實。 質言之，本文係從制度變遷理論，配合西拉雅族番契，探討西拉雅族番社地權從傳統共有地權、私有地權形成至虛有地權之變遷過程。本文共分六章，第一章為緒論，第二章文獻評述及建立分析之理論基礎。第三章從清康熙及乾隆年間臺灣輿圖與日據初期之調查圖中，說明鳳山八社之傳統領域範圍，並以文獻史料、部分番契內容，探討鳳山八社傳統地權制度。第四章是以誘發性技術變遷及強致性制度變遷，探討鳳山八社共有地權變遷為私有地權之過程。第五章從番契內容分析地權結構之演變，以實際案例計算番大小租權價格差距，並證明地權虛有化的事實。第六章為結論與建議。 / In Taiwan aborigines have Pingpu people and Mountain people. Siraya is one of Pingpu people, Feng-Shan eight tribes are branches of it. The property-rights configuration of natural resources had transited from open access common resources into closed access common property, and then from latter into private ownership from the view of institutional change of property rights. It had formed common property into private ownership, when people’s livelihood changed from hunting and gathering into settled agriculture. Before Dutch occupying, all Taiwan was aborigines’ land, Feng-Shan eight tribes’ population spread in Pingtung Plain of southern Taiwan. Hunting, fishing and farming were Siraya’s livelihood mostly, there was no concept of ownership, and land was used in common. As the land area was used only by village man, it was similar to “the closed–access common resources” which had the feature of exclusive communal property. After Ching Dynasty, owing to Han Chinese had moved into the southwestern Taiwan, wild plains decreased gradually. To improve the productivity efficiency of tribal land and sustain basic needs of living, Feng-Shan eight tribes’ people must change their traditional livelihood. As rapid growth of Han Chinese and Siraya people, and the diffusion of technology for paddy rice farming, the tribal land rights had transited from common property into private ownership. Split ownership or two tiers of owners was one of the traditional system of land tenure in Pingtung Plain in Ching era, it distinguished what were called large-rent and small-rent rights. In order to protect tribal land rights and encourage village aborigines to plant their land, Ching Government prohibited Han Chinese from developing wild plains illegally. However, if aborigines did not need to develop the tribal land, Ching Government permitted Han Chinese to rent tribal land. Han Chinese obtained small-rent rights of tribal land by paying the tribal tax, the tribe only kept residual large-rent rights. Therefore, the tribal land rights were divided into split ownership which was called large-rent and small-rent rights. Any owner of those rights could either manage them by themselves or sold them out. Otherwise, large-rent and small-rent rights of some tribal lands belong to village aborigines, some of them sale small-rent right for lack of money. Village aborigines had left nothing but right for collecting rent. Because village aborigines were very poor, they had to borrow some money from Han lender and mortgage their rent to lender. Village aborigines could not amortise the debt usually, if the appointed pay off date reached. As a result, the right of collecting rent belonged to Han lender continually. Formally village aborigines had the large-rent rights, but they were deprived gradually, the large-rent rights turned out empty. This research will prove that by the spread drawing of tribal rent in Ching era and spread drawing of tribes’ population in late Ching period. In short, the purpose of this research is to explore institutional change of land rights of Feng-Shan eight tribes by institutional change theory. Through deliberation of Siraya private documents, we can conclude the property rights of village aborigines were transited from communal right into private ownership and turned out to be emptiness or only face right. This research is divided into six chapters. Chapter one is introduction. Chapter two is literature review and theory deliberation. Chapter three explains the traditional territory of Feng-Shan eight tribes by Taiwan maps of K’ang-hsi and Ch’ien-lung period and investigation map in early period of Japanese occupation, and explores the traditional land right system of them to utilize historical article and folk contract. Chapter four explores their land rights had transited from common property into private ownership from induced institutional change and imposed institutional change theory. Chapter five analyzes evolution of tribal land rights, calculates difference of values between large-rent and small-rent rights and proves that the large-rent rights were turned out empty from folk contracts. Chapter six is conclusion and suggestion.

Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis examines the transmission of Protestantism to Australia by the early British colonists and its consequences for their engagement with the land between 1788 and 1850. It explores the ways in which colonists gave religious meaning to their surrounds, particularly their use of exile and exodus narratives to describe journeying to the colony and their sense of their destination as a site of banishment, a wilderness or a Promised Land. The potency of these scriptural images for colonising Europeans has been recognised in North America and elsewhere: this study establishes and details their significance in early colonial Australia. This thesis also considers the ways in which colonists’ Protestant values mediated their engagement with their surrounds and informed their behaviour towards the land and its indigenous inhabitants. It demonstrates that leading Protestants asserted and acted upon their particular values for industry, order, mission and biblicism in ways that contributed to the transformation of Aboriginal land. From the physical changes wrought by industrious agricultural labour through to the spiritual transformations achieved by rites of consecration, their specifically Protestant values enabled Britons to inhabit the land on familiar material and cultural terms. The structural basis for this study is provided by thematic biographies of five prominent colonial Protestants: Richard Johnson, Samuel Marsden, William Grant Broughton, John Wollaston and John Dunmore Lang. The private and public writings of these men are examined in light of the wider literature on religion and colonialism and environmental history. By delineating the significance of Protestantism to individual colonists’ responses to the land, this thesis confirms the trend of much recent British and Australian historiography towards a more religious understanding of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Its overarching argument is that Protestantism helped lay the foundation for colonial society by encouraging the transformation of the environment according to the colonists’ values and needs, and by providing ideological support for the British use and occupation of the territory. Prominent Protestants applied their religious ideas to Australia in ways that tended to assist, legitimate or even necessitate the colonisation of the land.

This work explores the insights that can be gained from an investigation of the shared terms of the Manitoulin Island treaties of 1836 (Treaty 45) and 1862. I focus specifically on these treaties because I was raised in proximity to this area. This thesis is very much a personal exploration in the sense that I have come to understand myself as implicated in a treaty relationship and wish to know my obligations under these agreements. In my interpretation of the Manitoulin Island treaties, I employ a strategy developed by Dr. Michael Asch that begins with the Indigenous understandings. Within this strategy, treaties are conceptualized as honourable agreements meant to ensure our legitimate presence on this land. This methodology is unique in the sense that it conceives of our representatives' actions as sincere. This step is necessary because Indigenous peoples believed we were acting honourably during negotiations. In applying this strategy in my reading of the Manitoulin Island treaties, my objective is to discern the treaty relationship that was established, and to state clearly the obligations of both parties under these agreements. Though the primary focus of this thesis is my analysis of the treaties, I briefly discuss in my conclusion the anthropological insights I have gained from this exercise with respect to communication across cultures. Throughout this work, I focus on the concept of sharing as a productive and positive framework for thinking about relationships between cultures.

Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis examines the transmission of Protestantism to Australia by the early British colonists and its consequences for their engagement with the land between 1788 and 1850. It explores the ways in which colonists gave religious meaning to their surrounds, particularly their use of exile and exodus narratives to describe journeying to the colony and their sense of their destination as a site of banishment, a wilderness or a Promised Land. The potency of these scriptural images for colonising Europeans has been recognised in North America and elsewhere: this study establishes and details their significance in early colonial Australia. This thesis also considers the ways in which colonists’ Protestant values mediated their engagement with their surrounds and informed their behaviour towards the land and its indigenous inhabitants. It demonstrates that leading Protestants asserted and acted upon their particular values for industry, order, mission and biblicism in ways that contributed to the transformation of Aboriginal land. From the physical changes wrought by industrious agricultural labour through to the spiritual transformations achieved by rites of consecration, their specifically Protestant values enabled Britons to inhabit the land on familiar material and cultural terms. The structural basis for this study is provided by thematic biographies of five prominent colonial Protestants: Richard Johnson, Samuel Marsden, William Grant Broughton, John Wollaston and John Dunmore Lang. The private and public writings of these men are examined in light of the wider literature on religion and colonialism and environmental history. By delineating the significance of Protestantism to individual colonists’ responses to the land, this thesis confirms the trend of much recent British and Australian historiography towards a more religious understanding of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Its overarching argument is that Protestantism helped lay the foundation for colonial society by encouraging the transformation of the environment according to the colonists’ values and needs, and by providing ideological support for the British use and occupation of the territory. Prominent Protestants applied their religious ideas to Australia in ways that tended to assist, legitimate or even necessitate the colonisation of the land.