Thesis (M. A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, Deerfield, Ill., 1998. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-157).

Diss. (sammanfattning) Stockholm : Karolinska institutet, 2010.

Diss. iur. Bern, 1971. / Bibliogr.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Linköping : Linköpings universitet, 2010. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2006. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-157).

India introduced family planning in the ‘50s, legalized abortion in the ‘70s, and accomplished a remarkable drop in maternal mortality and fertility since 1990. Nevertheless, abortions account for a large proportion of maternal deaths, and sterilization is the most frequently used contraception. This thesis aims to identify the means to simplify and increase access to reproductive health in low-resource settings, focusing on abortion and contraception in Rajasthan. A randomized controlled trial compared simplified follow-up, where women assess their abortion outcome at home after early medical abortion, with in-clinic follow-up. Additionally, contraceptive use was compared between study groups post-abortion. In order to explore young women’s opportunities to access reproductive health services in the area, we conducted in-depth interviews with recently-married women. Women in the home-assessment group preferred home-assessment in the future to a greater extent than the women in the clinic follow-up group, who preferred in-clinic follow-up. Complete abortions were reported in 95% of women in the ‘home-assessment group’ and 93% in the ‘in-clinic group’, suggesting that efficacy of simplified follow-up is non-inferior to in-clinic follow-up. A majority (81%) of women carried out the pregnancy test and found it easy to use. Women (96%) were satisfied with their abortion. There were no differences in contraceptive use between study groups at three months; however, women in the ‘in-clinic group’ were most likely to initiate contraception at two weeks. A majority of women preferred the three-month injection, while only 4% preferred sterilization. The recently-married women considered reversible contraception to be unfeasible due to misconceptions and taboos, yet women wanted effective contraception because their current use of traditional methods resulted in unintended pregnancies. Abortions were common, and were procured from private or informal providers. Allowing women to take an active role in reproductive health services can enable simplification of, and access to, reproductive services in low-resource settings as well as in other settings. Simplifying medical abortion, providing contraception ‘intra-abortion’, and offering a context-appropriate and effective means of contraception, creates a great potential to increase access to reproductive health services and can result in a more equal society where women, and men, can attain their sexual and reproductive rights.

Esta pesquisa trata do agendamento e debate de um tema tabu, o aborto, durante a campanha eleitoral na disputa pela presidência do Brasil em 2010. À luta simbólica em torno da construção dos acontecimentos que caracteriza a disputa política contemporânea, somaram-se a emergência de um tema polêmico e um novo locus para produção e distribuição de informações, a internet, permitindo pontuar os ganhos e limites democráticos dos debates públicos ampliados. Assim, são investigados os fatores e estratégias de influência sobre os temas que candidatos e públicos vão discutir, buscando identificar o desempenho da imprensa nas correlações entre eleitores e candidatos pela abordagem de um tema polêmico como o aborto, o papel das mídias sociais e a tática dos candidatos. A reflexão teórica passa pelos conceitos de democracia, as relações de mídia e política e os processos de comunicação, opinião e imagem pública, bem como as especificidades do tema em questão. O desenvolvimento da pesquisa parte da hipótese do agendamento, articulando as agendas do jornalismo, da política e do público. A abordagem é qualitativa, com as técnicas de análise histórico-descritiva e análise de conteúdo. Para operar as análises são utilizadas as categorias de agendamento, reverberação, representações e silenciamento. O recorte de tempo é o segundo turno das eleições presidenciais, quando o tema aborto alcança picos de visibilidade. O trabalho conclui que os meios de comunicação de massa mantêm seu poder de agendar os assuntos que serão discutidos, mas também são influenciados pela agenda política e pela internet, que tem na conversação e distribuição da informação modos de influenciar o repertório da campanha. Embora de interesse público, mas demarcado por questões privadas, o debate em torno da polêmica foi interditado pelos preceitos da propaganda, por tratar-se de tema incômodo, por não prestar-se a performances estéticas atraentes e por ter sido proposto em termos estratégicos por grupos bem organizados. / This research discusses the scheduling and debate of a taboo theme, the abortion, during the election campaign for the presidency of Brazil in 2010. To symbolical struggle around the construction of the events which characterizes the contemporary political contest totaled up the emergency of a polemic topic and a new locus for the production and distribution of information, the internet, it allowed to score gains and democratic boundaries of enlarged political debates. Thereby the factors and strategies that had influence on the topic that candidates and public are going to discuss are investigated, aiming to identify the performance of the press in the correlations of electors and candidates through the approach of a polemic topic as the abortion, the role of the medias and candidate’s tactic. Theoretical reflection goes through the concepts of democracy, the relations of media and politics and the communication process, opinion and public image, as well as the specificities of the subject matter, abortion. The development of the research in the hypothesis of the scheduling, articulating the agendas of journalism, politics and audience. The approach is qualitative, with historical-descriptive techniques to analyze and content analyzes. To operate the analysis it is used the category of scheduling, reverberation, representation and silencing. The clipping of time is the second round of presidential elections, when the abortion issue reaches visibility peaks. The work concludes that mass media maintain its power of scheduling the topics that will be discussed, but are also influenced by the political agenda and by the internet that has in the conversation and information distribution ways of influence the campaign repertory. Although as a public interest, but demarcated by private issues, the debate around the polemic was restricted by the precepts of propaganda, because it is an uncomfortable subject, not to provide attractive and esthetic performances and because it has been proposed in strategic terms by well-organized groups.

Orientador: Alexandre Secorun Borges / Resumo: A síndrome da fragilidade cutânea equina, conhecida como warmblood fragile foal syndrome (WFFS), é uma enfermidade do tecido conjuntivo de caráter autossômico recessivo e é caracterizada clinicamente por lesões cutâneas e mucosa da cavidade oral, articulações hiperextensíveis e abortamento. Tais características são incompatíveis com o desenvolvimento dos animais afetados. O polimorfismo de nucleotídeo único (SNP) c.2032G>A no gene PLOD1 (procollagen-lysine, 2-oxoglutarate 5-dioxygenase 1) em homozigose é responsável pela enfermidade em equinos de raças com aptidão para esportes equestres olímpicos. Existe apenas um caso publicado de um potro afetado com a confirmação da mutação, na Suíça, e apenas dois estudos de prevalência do SNP causador da doença, na Alemanha e nos Estados Unidos. Casos descritos com sinais clínicos compatíveis com a enfermidade e descritos antes da mutação ser descoberta estão presentes na literatura. Atualmente as associações de equinos na Europa tem dado grande atenção para esta enfermidade em equinos warmblood. A escassez de estudos e de informações sobre a existência da enfermidade no Brasil e no mundo leva-nos a acreditar que a mesma possa ser subdiagnosticada em nosso e nos outros países. O objetivo desse estudo foi estimar a frequência alélica do SNP c.2032G>A no gene PLOD1 em equinos da raça BH no Brasil, utilizando a reação em cadeia de polimerase e o sequenciamento direto da região do SNP como metodologia diagnóstica. Foram coletadas amostras d... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Warmblood fragile foal syndrome (WFFS), is a connective tissue disease that presents an autosomal recessive character and is clinically characterized by cutaneous lesions, lesions in the gums and mucosa of the oral cavity, hyperextensible joints and abortions. Such characteristics are incompatible with the development of the affected animals. The single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) c.2032G> A in the PLOD1 gene (procollagen-lysine, 2-oxoglutarate 5- dioxygenase 1) in homozygosis is responsible for the disease. There is only one report, describing an affected foal and the mutation in Switzerland and there are two studies of prevalence of the causative SNP of the disease (one in Germany and the other in the United States). Cases report presenting clinical signs compatible with the disease and described before the mutation was discovered are present in the literature. Currently the equine associations in Europe are giving great attention to this disease in warmblood horses. The scarcity of studies and information about the existence of the disease in Brazil and in the world leads us to believe that it can be underdiagnosed in our and in other countries. The objective of this study was to estimate the allelic frequency of c.2032G>A SNP in the PLOD1 gene in Brazilian Sport Horses in Brazil, using the polymerase chain reaction and the direct sequencing of the SNP region as a diagnostic tool. Blood and hair bulb samples were collected from 374 animals for DNA extraction, subsequent ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

One of the worst manifestations of violence against women: sexual violation. The intent of this act is to humiliate, degrade and punish. This causes serious suffering inhumane treatment in women, affecting not only their physical but also mental health. Sexual violation can result not only an “unwanted” pregnancy but imposed through the exercise of power. The criminalization of abortion exposes survivors of violence to further suffering, ill-treatment and cruel situations by extension could be considered torture. This paper addresses these reflections, raising expand the legal dissertations on what is considered a “forced pregnancy” to include the pregnancy product of sexual violation in a context of prohibition of the right to decide, as such. For these reflections is part of the rights approach and gender, while also stating that reproductive rights of women not violence against women persist are guaranteed. / Una de las manifestaciones más terribles de la violencia contra las mujeres es la violación sexual. La intencionalidad de este acto es humillar, degradar y castigar. Este trato inhumano genera graves sufrimientos en las mujeres, al afectar no solo su salud física sino también mental. Una violación sexual puede tener como consecuencia un embarazo no solo “no deseado”, sino impuesto a través del ejercicio del poder. La penalización del aborto, expone a las sobrevivientes de violencia a mayores sufrimientos, malos tratos y situaciones crueles que por extensión podrían considerarse tortura. El presente documento aborda estas reflexiones, planteando ampliar las disertaciones legales sobre lo que se considera un “embarazo forzado”, para incluir el embarazo producto de una violación sexual en un contexto de prohibición del derecho a decidir, como tal. Para estas reflexiones se parte del enfoque de derechos y de género, planteando además que en tanto los derechos reproductivos de las mujeres no se encuentren garantizados la violencia contra las mujeres persistirá.

Few issues divide leaders and policy-makers as much as abortion, which regularly sparks heated political, religious and philosophical debates. Numerous states choose to prohibit or criminalize abortion, despite the fact that it has been practiced throughout recorded history. In many of these states, women turn to unsafe abortion methods, such as consuming bleach or inserting a coat hanger, which may cause long-term damage or death. In the light of this tragic reality, one could ask whether these women have a right to safe abortion in human rights law or not. In order to answer this question, the author analyzes the status of abortion in public international law. The results are based on a thorough examination of the preparatory works (travaux préparatoires) and reservations to CEDAW, CRC, ECHR, and ICCPR, as well as documents by international and regional treaty bodies. The author applies a treaty-based international law methodology, analyzes the results through Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin’s theory of the public and private distinction in public international law and discusses the juridical- political context. The author concludes that there is neither an explicitly formulated human right to abortion, nor is abortion included within the right to family planning. However, she finds that domestic legislation which criminalizes or restrict access to safe abortions may be in violation of other fundamental human rights.