Media is belittling millennials for the current overall decrease in civic engagement. They are criticized for their apparent lack of responsibility, political knowledge and reluctance to get involved in current affairs, and social media and the Internet have been regarded as contributing to this civic decline. Millennials choose more liquid forms of organizing, as they have uprooted from pre-established and stable collective identities. There is a change in generations and their activities, and millennials’ use of social media for both political and civic engagement is a growing research field now. Hence this thesis aims to determine how civic engagement has been redefined by new media and generational shifts. The Internet has been proven to entice citizens to thoroughly engage in politics, providing a framework for broad social participation, which is inherently democratic, becoming a potent tool for civic and political participation, a crucial motivation for the core constituency of movements. According to the theoretical and empirical material, with the emergence of new media, new concepts, such as online activism, have been materialized or old ones, such as simple protests, have simply shifted and adapted to current times. There is not a discontinuity but rather a redefinition of civic engagement. The findings of the current study are significant in this sense, as they support the theoretical concept of the reinvigoration of civic life through generational shifts and the rise of new media.

In 1968, Dr. Margaret Walker Alexander, professor of English at Jackson State College, founded a Black Studies Institute in Jackson, Mississippi. This study is an intellectual, institutional and social movement history that utilizes archival research and textual analysis of Alexander’s writings, poetry, and work as teacher and director of the Institute in the context of the Black Campus Movement (BCM) and Black Freedom Struggle. It pushes the boundaries of historiographical scholarship on BCM that overshadows the epistemological and aesthetic politics of women faculty-activists who ushered forth racialized and gendered analysis as well as developed the foundations of Black Studies.

The Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics is the leading professional organization for registered dietitians (RDs)--globally--with over 75,000 members. Professional organizations are often overlooked in communication scholarship. However, the Academy offers a rich setting for researching occupational identities, health activism, and neoliberalism. I used semi-structured interviews to explore how taken-for-granted discourses, power relationships, and unquestioned norms are challenged, reinforced, and (re)constructed within the Academy. Specifically, this study analyzed two challenges to the Academy and the dietetics profession: claims to professional expertise and a debate surrounding the Academy's corporate sponsorship. My findings suggest that the profession, which happens to be predominantly female, is struggling with issues of marginalization. RDs described their expertise through a rhetorical turf war--in which they defined themselves against nutritionists--to help elevate their profession. Further, I found that the Academy has a sub-group of health activists that are unified through their holistic approach to nutrition. These health activists attempted to address complaints about the Academy's corporate sponsorship program but lacked a unified vision for their efforts. By researching the Academy, I hope to contribute new understandings about how professional organizations, discourses of expertise, and corporate sponsorship contribute and influence the public's understandings of health and nutrition. While my results have practical and theoretical implications for RDs and the Academy, they also have broader implications for understanding power relationships and hidden discourses within our complex, dynamic food system.

This thesis focuses on the continued activism in the YWCA, the Equal Suffrage League and the League of Women Voters after 1920. The work examines the uses of motherhood, social religion, race and traditions as tools for activism and compares the YWCA to the Equal Suffrage League and League of Women Voters after 1920. The date range is roughly from 1915 to 1925.

The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.

Le rôle de la femme dans la tradition juive est un sujet qui fait l'objet de discussions depuis bien longtemps. Que ce soit la Bible ou le Talmud ou la dimension mystique, tous les commentateurs ont été amenés à évoquer ce sujet. Depuis l'apparition du hassidisme et plus encore avec la modernisation de la société, il suscite des interrogations : est-Il possible de concilier la définition moderne du rôle de la femme avec celle d'une tradition millénaire ? Avec l'évolution constante de la société moderne, cette question se pose constamment dans les milieux juifs orthodoxes, toutes branches confondues. Parmi ces dernières, la branche du hassidisme Habad, dont le dernier dirigeant, Mena'hem M. Schneersohn, mit en oeuvre le plus grande "révolution hassidique" de l'histoire du hassidisme, ayant permis une large diffusion de ses enseignements, au-Delà de toutes frontières, grâce à une véritable stratégie de développement reposant essentiellement sur l'envoi d'émissaires à travers le monde. Dans cette étude, je me propose d'examiner l'évolution de la place juive Habad dans la société depuis la "révolution" hassidique jusqu'à l'heure actuelle. Pour cela, je me pencherai, tout d'abord, sur les textes écrits par des maîtres hassidiques Habad sur plusieurs générations mettant en lumière le rôle de la femme au sein du mouvement, ainsi que les initiatives prises relatives aux activités des femmes Habad. Je me concentrerai plus particulièrement sur les écrits et réalisations de son dernier dirigeant : Mena'hem Mendel Schneersohn, qui fut un grand soutien pour la cause des femmes juives et les encouragea à se "libérer" tout en maintenant leur respect de la tradition biblique et talmudique. En conclusion, j'exposerai un regard actuel de l'activité des femmes Habad dans la société, et mentionnerai les nombreuses responsabilités qu'elles assument ainsi que certains défis les affectant. / The role of women according to Jewish tradition has been discussed by many throughout the ages. With the constant evolution and modernization of society, which brought about so many changes in the condition of women, a question arises : is it possible to live as a modern woman in today's world by the standards of an age-Old tradition ? This question is constantly asked amongst orthodox Jewish circles. In this study, I chose to focus on one particular branch within orthodox Judaism : the Chabad Chassidic movement, whose last leader, rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneersohn, led the greatest "Chassidic revolution" of all times, enabling so many worldwide to become more familiar to the Jewish tradition in general, as well as the teachings of Chassidism in particular.

This thesis represents an attempt to challenge power hierarchies infusing white Western European academic and political fields. It constitutes a project, built on decolonial critique of privileges of research, that aims at attending to local and marginalised feminist perspectives in order to reach a deeper understanding for a complex and ambivalent Serbian post-socialist reality. A critical scrutiny of previous research conducted within the field of Comparative Politics and post-socialist feminist critique of academic knowledge, has led to the identification of problematic results of unequal distributions of power within politics and the academia. Moreover, through a historical overview of the geopolitical context and the feminist legacy of the region, the importance of contextualisation and the necessity of an epistemological and ontological shift within knowledge production has further been emphasised. Lastly, with a combining approach of qualitative interviews and autoethnography, lived experiences of postsocialism and its intersections with feminism have been sought and analysed. By highlighting women’s activism in democratisation processes and the severe socio-political problems facing contemporary Serbia, these experiences problematize the hegemonic Western projections of a post-socialist transition as an elite project towards ‘progress’ and Europeanisation.

It is often accentuated - not only by legal scholars, but also by political scientists - that law, politics, and society in the modern West have been marked by the increasing power of the judge. Therefore in my thesis I have decided to describe the current problems in the constitutional judiciary, including the issue of the so-called goverment of judges (or judicial tyranny) and the role of constitutional courts and judges in modern society. Needless to say, my work is based on extensive use of the fundamental book "Constitutional Courts and Democratic Values: A European Perspective" written by Victor Ferreres Comella, which provides the most detailed analytic description of the centralized model of constitutional review currently available. My thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters and a final conclusion. In the first chapter, the history of Czechoslovak and Czech constitutional judiciary is described from the beginning in the 1920s to the birth of the Czech Republic in the 1990s. In the second part of my thesis, the models of constitutional judiciary in contemporary world in brief are dealt with. French, American and German model are characterized and the specific way in which they function is investigated. In the third chapter I focus on the so-called problem of judical republic,...

This study analyzes activist behavior of Supreme Court justices in 132 decisions which struck down congressional statutes as unconstitutional in 1789-1990. Analysis of the justices' activist rates and liberalism scores demonstrate that these votes are ideologically based. Integrated models containing personal attribute and case factor variables are constructed to explore the votes as activist behavior. The same models are also tested with a new dependent variable constructed to measure the nullification votes as liberal votes. The models which explain the votes as ideological responses better explain the votes than the models which explain the votes as activism or restraint. The attribute variables offer better explanation in the late 20th century models and the case factors offer better explanation in the early period models.

There is a growing movement of indignation around the world that is calling out injustice and developing creative strategies to stand up to power and change the world. These are sparks that have flared up in the Arab spring, the occupy movement, idle no more, massive strikes in South Africa, environmental protests and many more. A growing body of literature suggests that movements such as these are not isolated instances but a growing global movement, despite what the mainstream media suggests (e.g. Brecher, Costello and Smith 2002; Hall, Clover, Crowther and Scandrett, 2012). This participatory action research tells the story of one grassroots environmental protest campaign. The protest campaign is ongoing and organized by non-native environmental kayaktivists in Coast Salish territory. It culminates each year in a five-day human powered flotilla of 100 people through the Salish Sea to connect communities and protest increased tanker traffic and a fossil fuel based economy. The research was both suggested and guided by the organizer activists. Their voices are openly represented in the research in order to reflect and appreciate their expertise and role in the research. The story this research tells demonstrates the role and value of protest campaigns in challenging root inequalities and presents practical strategies for building capacity for a global movement of social and environmental change that connects and addresses intersectional oppression globally. It also problematizes activist settler and First Nations relations. The research situates these campaigns as important sites of public learning and presents practical strategies for teaching and learning as if the world mattered. The organic and experiential approaches to learning revealed are applicable to informal, non-formal and formal learning practices. The research challenges the incestuous, white male, Eurocentric, hierarchical control of knowledge and knowledge making that has been used for centuries to justify and hide oppression and exploitation of imperialism, colonisation and war. This research emphasizes the need for creative solutions to the planetary crisis at hand, which require a reflection on the world and our position in it from diverse cultural perspectives. This means listening and learning from the wisdom of those who have been silenced. It requires a new type of learning that values wisdom over cleverness and places peaceful co existence at the centre of the curriculum. Learning in grassroots protest campaigns, such as the one represented in this case study, offer possible strategies for carrying out such learning. / Graduate / 0516, 0768, 0700 / capelton15@gmail.com