A presente dissertação tem por objetivo apresentar ferramentas que fomentem a implementação de uma espécie de controle de constitucionalidade dialógico no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, de forma a mitigar a supremacia judicial ostentada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para isso, foi organizado em três capítulos. Os dois primeiros dirigem-se a realizar uma abordagem comparada, por meio de um breve apanhado histórico e análise jurisprudencial, entre os sistemas constitucionais dos Estados Unidos, da Colômbia, da Costa Rica e do Brasil e entre os seus respetivos Tribunais imbuídos da função da realização do controle de constitucionalidade. Com isto, busca-se demonstrar o assentamento da supremacia judicial em uma visão mais ampla, bem como em uma realidade latino-americana. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, tem o escopo de explorar as diversas vertentes da teoria dos diálogos constitucionais, elaborar um conceito de diálogo substancial e, por fim, elaborar proposições de instrumentos dialógicos ainda não existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como sugerir a reformulação de alguns já existentes. O intuito primordial da parte final da dissertação é a busca da promoção de uma ressignificação do controle de constitucionalidade, de forma a democratiza-lo, mitigando a supremacia judicial, incluindo no debate sobre o significado da Constituição, além do Poder Judiciário, os Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e a sociedade como um todo. / This master’s dissertation aims do present tools that provide the implementation of a kind of dialogic judicial review in the Brazilian legal framework, so as to mitigate the judicial supremacy displayed by the Supremo Tribunal Federal. In order to do that, it was organized in three chapters. The first two chapters carry out a comparative approach, through a short historical description e and jurisprudential analyses, between the American, the Colombian, the Costa Rican and the Brazilian constitutional systems and its respective Courts that perform judicial review. In that manner, it is the objective to demonstrate the settlement of judicial supremacy in a broad vision, and also in a Latin American reality. The third chapter, by its turn, aims to explore the different aspects of the constitutional dialogue theory, elaborate a concept of substantial dialogue and, in conclusion, elaborate propositions of dialogical instruments not yet existent in the native legal order, and also suggest a reformulation of others that already exist. The paramount intention of dissertation’s final part is the promotion of a resignification of judicial review, so as to democratize it, mitigating judicial supremacy, incorporating in the debate about the significance of the Constitution, other than the Judicial power, the Executive and the Legislative powers, and the society as a hole.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Women and Gender Studies) / Events in the last few years on the global stage have heralded a new era for domestic workers, which may afford them the voice as subaltern that has been silent until now. Despite being constructed as silent and as subjects without agency, unionised domestic workers organised themselves globally, becoming more visible and making their voices heard. This culminated in the promulgation of the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Convention No.189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (or C189) in September 2013, and the establishment of the International Domestic Workers' Federation (IDWF) in October 2013. This broadening of the scope of domestic workers' activism has not yet received sufficient attention in academic research. These two historic events on their own have the potential to change the dominant discourse around domestic workers, by mobilising workers with agency to challenge the meaning of the political ideologies informing their identity positions of exploitation and subjugation.

Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de identificar e analisar ações performáticas de mulheres artistas latino-americanas, tendo como base a teoria crítica feminista e os estudos de gênero das últimas décadas. A tese é dividida em duas partes: a primeira, na qual analiso trabalhos que implicam a utilização dos corpos e/ou de experiências pessoais e biográficas como estratégias composicionais para visibilizar as subjetividades das mulheres e suas questões, nos quais protagonizam posturas críticas, políticas e poéticas das artistas como reivindicação social. São analisadas ações das artistas Regina José Galindo (Guatemala), Nádia Granados (Colômbia), as mexicanas Violeta Luna, FOMMA - Fortaleza de la Mujer Maya, Rocío Boliver e Capulas Cia de Arte Negra (São Paulo, Brasil). Para tanto, foi desenvolvida uma pesquisa de campo que envolveu um trabalho cartográfico e investigativo, como: levantamento de registros em áudio e vídeo; visita a acervos e centro de pesquisas teatrais; contato com artistas e pesquisadores, através de entrevistas e depoimentos; acompanhamento de espetáculos, performances e eventos pertinentes à temática. E a segunda, descrevo a experimentação prática dos conceitos teóricos estudados na proposta de criação autoral em performance, teatro e ativismo junto ao Coletivo Rubro Obsceno, grupo teatral do qual faço parte na cidade de São Paulo. Narro, de forma crítica e reflexiva, o meu próprio processo de formação como artista, ativista e feminista nestes quatro anos de pesquisa. Essa conjunção de procedimentos investigativos apresenta um panorama de como a ressignificação dos discursos feministas podem ser lidos nas práticas cênicas latino-americanas. / This research aims to identify and analyze performance actions of Latin American female artists, based on critical feminist theory and gender studies over recent decades. The thesis is divided into two parts: the first part analyzes works that involve the use of bodies and / or personal and biographical experiences as compositional strategies to visualize the subjectivities of women and their issues, in which they act as artistic proponents of critical, political and poetic postures pertaining to social causes. The actions of artists Regina José Galindo (Guatemala), Nádia Granados (Colombia), and Mexicans Violeta Luna, FOMMA - Fortaleza de la Mujer Maya, Rocío Boliver and Capulas Cia de Arte Negra (São Paulo, Brazil) are analyzed. To this end field research was carried out that involved cartographic and investigative work, such as: audio and video documentation; visit to collections and theatrical research centers; contact with artists and researchers including interviews and testimonies; viewing of plays, performances and events pertaining to the theme. The second part of the thesis discusses practical experimentation of theoretical concepts studied with regards to the author\'s own creative practice within performance, theater and activism within the Rubro Obsceno Collective: a theatrical group of which the author is a member in the city of São Paulo. It narrates, critically and reflexively, the author\'s process of training as an artist, activist, and feminist during the four years of research. The conjunction of investigative procedures presents an overview of how the re-signification of feminist discourses can be read in Latin American scenic practices.

Social media is increasingly used for social protest, but does online participation advance the aims of social movements, or does it undermine efforts for social change? We explore this question in the present thesis by examining how the use of social media for collective action shapes, and is shaped by, the social psychological concerns of technology users. Adopting a diverse approach in terms of research questions and methodology, we examine how collective action is affected by: (1) features of the digital environment, (2) internet-enabled modes of participation, and (3) digitally-facilitated communities. Our findings demonstrate that group-level representations of the self and salient others are integral to the relationship between digital technology and collective action. Ultimately, we argue that digital technology can act as both a psychological bridge and barrier between disparate groups and issues; in this way it can both facilitate and undermine mobilisation efforts and broader aims for social change.

Cette recherche en sciences de l'information et de la communication aborde les stéréotypes et normes de genre et de sexualité en tant qu'objets communicationnels, dont sont observées aussi bien les constructions dans certains discours marchands et médiatiques (la publicité) que les tentatives de déconstruction dans certains discours militants qui les critiquent.Stéréotypes et normes de genre, d'après les discours critiques qui visent à les déconstruire, seraient apparentés. Ces liens de parenté postulés sont irrigués de conceptions négatives : la norme et le stéréotype comme imposition, comme hégémonie et surtout comme figement. Nous observons cependant, dans les manifestations concrètes de normativité et stéréotypie de certains discours marchands et médiatiques, comme dans les critiques qui les prennent pour objet, des effets de « bougé », de circulation, voire de resignification.Dans cette recherche, la resignification est définie comme l'effet de certaines pratiques discursives (détournement des représentations sociales, parodie, resémantisation, néologie...) que l'on observe aussi bien dans les discours militants que dans les discours publicitaires. Au-delà de ces pratiques de « braconnage du sens », la resignification est l'effet du processus de sémiose infinie, de traduction de signes en d'autres signes.Norme et stéréotype, pris entre des conceptions figeantes et des pratiques de défigement, se font, défont et refont dans un travail permanent. Ces deux objets (norme/stéréotype) et leurs processus (normativité/stéréotypie) peuvent être considérés comme deux versants d'un même phénomène communicationnel, celui de la circulation-transformation des discours sociaux et des représentations qui s'y forgent. / This research in communication and information sciences considers gender stereotypes and social norms of sexuality as communicational objects. We analyze the construction of gender norms and stereotypes in advertising and marketing discourse, while considering the conception of the notion of norm and stereotype in the discourse of those who criticize and aim to deconstruct them.Advertising and activism are both considered as social discourses. In the critique that aims to deconstruct them, norms and stereotypes are often considered related and as rigid objects. Additionally, we observe that in the critique as well as in the advertising discourse, norms and stereotypes are woven in a discursive circulation that both affects and aims to re-signify these norms and stereotypes. In this research, re-signification is defined as the result of certain discursive practices (parody, re-semantisation, neology, etc.) that exist in anti-advertising discourse as well as in advertising discourse. Moreover, re-signification is the result of the process of infinite semiosis, signs translating into new signs.Social stereotypes and norms, torn between rigid conceptions and practices of re-signification, are constructed and deconstructed at the same time. These two objects (norm/sterotype) and the process they result from (normativity/stereotypification) can be considered as the two sides of one communicational phenomenon. The phenomenon called circulation-transformation of social discourse and social representations.

In many societies there is a stigma surrounding menstruation. It is often perpetuated through representations in advertisements as well as lack of open discussions. This thesis investigates ways that people are presenting menstruation on the social media platform Instagram and concludes that this is a space which allows the normative menstruation discourse to be challenged. Instagram is a widely used app that allows users to interact with others through sharing photos and has the potential to be a space for empowerment and challenging dominant ideologies. Publicly accessible photos were collected from the app using hashtags related to menstruation and menstrual activism, as well as menstrual activist accounts and menstrual product accounts. The results of a qualitative content analysis reveal numerous themes which challenge or reinforce the stigmas: Empowerment, Solidarity, Resistance, Normalizing Periods, Women’s Health, Standard/Normative, Eco-Friendly and Marketing.

Over the last two decades, US corporate governance has witnessed a significant increase in the incidence and influence of shareholder activism. Shareholder activism, however, has been found to be inconsistent with US corporate governance which is framed within director primacy theory. In this theory, the board is able to carry out a unique combination of managerial and monitoring roles effectively, and shareholders are only capital providers to companies. Shareholder activism is normatively found inimical to effective and efficient decision-making, i.e. the board's authority, and to the long-term interests of public companies. The increasing willingness of institutional shareholders to participate into the decision-making processes of their portfolio companies is at odds with US corporate governance. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to examine whether director primacy theory should be softened to accommodate greater shareholder activism in US corporate governance. This thesis presents an analysis of the legal rules that reflect director primacy theory. In this respect, US shareholders have traditionally had limited participatory power. The way in which the courts perceived the board's authority also stymied shareholder participation. This thesis considers not only legal and regulatory developments in the wake of the 2007-2008 financial crisis, but also the governance developments through by-law amendments which could potentially make an overall change in the balance of power between shareholders and the board. Shareholders are slowly moving to the centre of corporate governance in the US. History has shown that the board of directors often failed to prevent manager-induced corporate governance failures. This thesis argues that shareholder activism is necessary for improving the web of monitoring mechanisms and for a well-functioning director primacy model. Shareholder activism forces the board to more critical about management, which is a prerequisite for the director primacy model. Therefore, this thesis argues that shareholder activism should therefore be accommodated into US corporate governance. The proposed approach addresses accountability problems more effectively than the current director primacy model while recognising the board authority and enhances decision-making processes of public companies. In this regard, it makes several recommendations to soften the current director primacy model: establishing a level playing for private ordering, adopting the proxy access default regime, the majority voting rule, the universal proxy rules, and enhancing the disclosure requirements of shareholders. The present research also demonstrates that contemporary shareholder activism involves many complexities. It contains different types of shareholder activism, which differ by objectives, tools, and motives. It could be used for purely financial purposes or non-financial purposes or both. Furthermore, the concept of stewardship has been developed to address public interest concerns, namely short-termism in the market and pressures by activist funds through shareholder activism. In this way, this thesis develops a complete positive theory about shareholder activism rather than focussing on a specific type of activism. This complete analytical framework constitutes more reliable basis to draw normative conclusions rather than focussing on a particular type of activism.

Alan Burns was one of the key figures in the group of experimental writers working in Britain in the nineteen sixties and early nineteen seventies, which included writers such as B.S. Johnson, Christine Brooke-Rose, Ann Quin and Giles Gordon. All of them sought ways to update and radicalize the techniques of modernism to make them relevant for their contemporary situation. Alan Burns took the novel to more radical extremes than his counterparts, eschewing traditional narrative in favour of a dense accumulation of detail. This is the first full length study of Burns' work, which has largely been neglected by scholars and, for the most part, remains out of print. I provide a thorough account of Burns' life and work and theorise the reasons for his obscurity. I examine the role of trauma in his work. For Burns the experience of the traumatic moment is one in which the violence that underpins everyday society is momentarily unveiled, the sheer and explicit violence of the event produces a rupture that displays the deeper and more insidious violence that exists beneath it and gives it structure. I draw on theories of visual art, music and cinema, both of the 'classical' avant-garde and more recent, as much as of literature and philosophy, to attempt to account for the strategies, techniques and approaches that Alan Burns engaged with in his writing. Avowedly left-wing, in interviews Burns is frequently optimistic about the possibility for political change in the world, and is even confident about the role that literature can play in fostering that change. However, I argue that his novels present a rather different, and much more pessimistic picture: each of them shows the way in which any activism can ultimately be constrained and co-opted.

Submitted by Leoná Rodrigues (leonarodrigues@id.uff.br) on 2017-08-30T21:21:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Agentes Infiltrados - Rafael Wolff.pdf: 258104 bytes, checksum: a262a84dc2898a284b55b9150a7fafbe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca da Faculdade de Direito (bfd@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-09-12T15:19:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Agentes Infiltrados - Rafael Wolff.pdf: 258104 bytes, checksum: a262a84dc2898a284b55b9150a7fafbe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-12T15:19:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Agentes Infiltrados - Rafael Wolff.pdf: 258104 bytes, checksum: a262a84dc2898a284b55b9150a7fafbe (MD5) / Trata-se de dissertação que versa sobre a atividade criativa do juiz no preenchimento das lacunas presentes nas Leis 9.034/96 e 11.343/06, no tocante ao instituto da infiltração de agentes. Como é cediço, a infiltração de agentes é um meio especial de investigação que permite dimensionar e identificar os componentes de organizações criminosas, de sorte a possibilitar sua desarticulação, o que encontra suporte constitucional e moral nos efeitos danosos acarretados na sociedade por crimes como tráfico de entorpecentes e de seres humanos, seja para trabalhos forçados, exploração sexual ou mesmo doação de órgãos. O suprimento das referidas lacunas pelo magistrado, por sua vez, é corroborada pela análise histórica e filosófica da questão, que comprovam a impossibilidade da lei tudo prever, bem como pela ética judicial, representada pelo dever de fundamentação que garante a imparcialidade e a equidistância dos magistrados, o que resta reafirmado pela expressa previsão do artigo 3º do Código de Processo Penal. Assim, é plenamente viável a adoção da Lei 9.296/96 para suprir as lacunas legais, de sorte a tornar o dispositivo plenamente aplicável, ao menos sob a ótica jurídica, já que a implementação do instituto exige fortes investimentos em treinamento e remuneração de pessoal, bem como em equipamentos. / This dissertation focuses on creative activity of the judge in filling the gaps about the undercover agents presented in the Laws 9.034/96 and 11.343/06. The undercover operation is a special form of investigation that enables us to measure and identify the components of criminal organizations and allows its dismantling. This institute finds constitutional and moral suport on the harmful effects of organized crime in our society, such as trafficking in narcotics and human beings, either for forced labor, sexual exploitation or even organ donation. The filling of these gaps by the magistrate, in turn, is supported both by historical and philosophical analysis, which confirms that it´s not possible for the law predict every situation of life, and by judicial ethics, represented by the obligation of reasoning, that ensures fairness and impartiality of judges, as well as by the express provision of Article 3 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Thus, it is entirely feasible the adoption of the Law 9.296/96 to fill gaps in the law, so as to make the undercover operations fully applicable in Brazil, at least from the juridical point of view, since the implementation of the institute requires heavy investment in training and salaries, as well as equipment.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:38:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MaioSQF.pdf: 276340 bytes, checksum: 57ba2ed866d3aa958eb155a7233b1037 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-18 / The struggle against AIDS is a kind of action in favor of life and the organized Brazilian civil society incorporated it in a meaningful dimension. This struggle matured the creation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and advanced with the discoveries about the disease. Since the very early 90 s, the consolidation of the partnership involving the movement anti-aids with State came up with a dilemma for the entities of civil society: are they just executors of governmental policies or do they take up the role of effective demands concerning public policies? Since then, activism against aids started to stand for execution of projects and one considers that the institutional way of anti-aids work has problems because it constructs a basic strategy to take off the political aspect of the third sector. The NGOs/aids consolidate the reconfiguration of capital and get far from street activities. This is important to be studied because the relationship between society and aids, contemporarily, can prevent them from accomplishing their agenda referring to political mobilization and collective resistance. This research started to be carried after some visits, previously arranged, to an institutional life support group called Grupo de Apoio ? Vida-GAV, in Campina Grande. A semi-structured interview was applied to 31 users and to 6 technicians of the entity mentioned. One aimed at investigating the activist anti-aids practice, identifying the conceptions of activism and knowing how social actors assess those practices. Preliminary results indicate that one of the conceptions on activism among the interviewees refers to the execution of projects through partnership of NGOs and supporting institutions, governmental or non-governmental. Although this new conception on activism consolidates a non-political aspect, there are other ways of executing projects and participating actively, according to some users, such as: meetings, lectures and other sorts of events promoted by the group, which are also legitimate actions representing anti-aids activism at the present context / A luta contra a aids ? uma manifesta??o em defesa da vida e a sociedade civil organizada brasileira a incorporou numa dimens?o significativa. Essa luta maturou a cria??o de Organiza??es N?o-governamentais (ONGs) e avan?ou com as descobertas sobre a doen?a. Desde o inicio dos anos 90, a consolida??o da parceria do movimento anti-aids com o Estado trouxe um dilema para as entidades da sociedade civil: s?o elas apenas executoras das pol?ticas governamentais ou assumem o papel de propositores efetivos de pol?ticas p?blicas? Desde ent?o, ativismo contra a aids passou a significar execu??o de projetos e considera-se que esse modo de funcionamento institucional anti-aids tem problemas porque constr?i uma estrat?gia b?sica para despolitizar o Terceiro Setor. As ONGs/AIDS n?o apenas consolidam a reestrutura??o moderna do capital como afastam-se da atividade de rua. Isso ? importante ser estudado porque a rela??o sociedade/aids, na contemporaneidade, pode lev?-las ao afastamento de sua agenda de mobiliza??o pol?tica e de resist?ncia coletiva. A pesquisa foi iniciada com as visitas, previamente agendadas, ? institui??o Grupo de Apoio ? Vida-GAV, na cidade de Campina Grande-PB. Aplicou-se entrevista semi-estruturada com 31 usu?rios e 06 t?cnicos da referida entidade. Nosso objetivo foi investigar a pr?tica do ativismo antiaids, identificar as concep??es desse ativismo e conhecer como os atores sociais avaliam essas pr?ticas. Resultados preliminares indicam que uma das concep??es de ativismo presente entre os entrevistados refere-se ? execu??o de projetos atrav?s das parcerias ONGs/e ?rg?os financiadores, sejam estes governamentais ou n?o. Embora essa nova concep??o de ativismo consolide um esvaziamento pol?tico, n?o h? unanimidade em torno deste esvaziamento porque parte dos usu?rios entende que a execu??o de projetos e outras formas de participa??o, tais como em reuni?es, em palestras e em eventos promovidos pelo grupo, s?o a??es leg?timas de ativismo anti-aids no contexto atual