<p>I Jönköpings kommun har stora utvecklings- och ombyggnadsarbeten pågått under ett an-tal år. En av de största förändringarna är en bro som byggdes över Munksjön och stod fär-dig under år 2006. Bron kan ses som en katalysator för flera andra projekt som har löpt pa-rallellt med broprojektet. Uppsatsen fokuserar på processen som förlöpt från det att brons planeringsstadium inleddes 1990 till dess att det slutgiltiga byggnadsbeslutet togs 2004.</p><p>Bron var kontroversiell i bland annat miljöhänseende, men även ekonomiskt och i trafik-hänseende ansågs den vara en tveksam lösning på centrums problem. Första steget i upp-satsarbetet var att samla in information, främst från olika kommunfullmäktigedokument samt underlag som använts när beslut fattats i kommunfullmäktige. För att identifiera in-tressanta problem granskades dessa med hjälp av källkritiskt metod och delades kronolo-giskt in i sex faser, där varje fas representerade ett delbeslut i broprocessen.</p><p>För det fortsatta arbetet behövdes en analysmodell, som inkluderade multipla aktörer, och som kunde användas för en analys av den process som löpt under cirka 15 års tid. Detta ledde först till klassiska implementeringsmodeller, främst Top-down och Bottom-up-modellerna och därefter vidare till Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) som utgör en vi-dareutveckling av de båda implementeringsmodellerna. Fördelarna med ACF var många. Den hanterar multipla aktörer, tidspannet lämpar sig väl, och den innehåller ett antal krite-rier vilka ger underlag för intressanta diskussioner. Med analysramen och dokumentstudien som bas kunde problemområde, hypotes, samt beroende och oberoende variabler faststäl-las.</p><p>Valet av analysram föll således på ACF, vilken har använts mycket i USA bland annat för analys av miljöproblem. Ett av de största problemen med analysramen har då varit att mo-tivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Detta problem kringgås här genom att peka på de svenska partiernas större homogenitet än deras motsvarigheter i USA, detta beroende på att det där i princip endast finns två partier.</p><p>För att motivera valet av ACF som analysram testades de nio kriterier som denna innefat-tar, och genom att dessa uppfylldes kunde analysramens relevans för forskningsområdet valideras. Med hjälp av analysramen och dess kriterier, samt den källkritiska analysen, upp-ställdes hypotesen: De mest miljömedvetna koalitionerna har fått göra flest eftergifter under broproces-sens gång.</p><p>Innan analysen fortskred redovisas ytterligare två metoder: kvantitativ innehållsanalys och statistisk Chi-två metod. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen användes för att utifrån de svenska politiska partiernas höga grad av homogenitet motivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Chi-två metoden användes i resultatredovisningen för att ge statistiskt stöd för hypotesen.</p><p>Analysen började med att identifiera de tre koalitioner, som bildats under processen, nämli-gen: Pro-bro, Avvaktande och Anti-bro. De olika aktörerna indelades därefter i den koali-tion de tillhört under varje fas. Vidare fastställdes de tillfällen då en koalition fått göra en eftergift under processen. Totalt har den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen gjort sex eftergif-ter medan den mindre miljömedvetna inte behövt göra någon eftergift.</p><p>Med hjälp av den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen har det varit möjligt att visa hur det bilda-des två koalitioner varav en mer och en mindre miljömedveten. Den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen bestod av: Miljöpartiet, Centerpartiet och Vänsterpartiet medan den mindre miljömedvetna bestod av Folkpartiet, Socialdemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna och Moderaterna.</p><p>Ur koalitionsbildningarna och fördelningen av eftergifter kunde det utläsas att den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen fått göra flest eftergifter, sex mot noll. För att ge statistiskt stöd åt resultatet genomfördes även en Chi-två beräkning, vars utfall var statistiskt signifikant och gav stöd åt hypotesen.</p><p>I den slutliga diskussionen ställs frågan varför kommunen inte följt Agenda 21 och de stat-ligt uppsatta miljömålen. Slutsatsen dras att det är vanligt med konflikter mellan kommuna-la miljö- och tillväxtmål. I detta fall har det blivit en tveksam kompromiss, som varken löst trafikfrågan i Jönköpings centrala delar eller kommit tillrätta med de existerande miljöpro-blemen.</p><p>Uppsatsen avslutas med funderingar om hur ACF kan användas i framtida forskningspro-jekt på liknande områden. I en undersökning med mindre homogena aktörer behöver ana-lysramen kompletteras med bättre metoder för att beskriva hur koalitioner bildas utifrån gemensamma basala värderingar.</p>

Policy coherence for development (PCD) has risen on the donor community’s agenda over the years as globalization makes it impossible to ignore non-aid policies’ impact on development. Although straightforward in theory, PCD has proven much more difficult to achieve in practice. Policy incoherence remains commonplace, even as the number of guidelines and best practices for avoiding it increase. This thesis used the Advocacy Coalition Framework to analyze two cases of policy change in Sweden and Germany, namely the adoption of the democracy criterion for arms exports and the coal phase-out respectively. The findings suggest that the current discourse about PCD among donors and donor institutions – that PCD can be achieved through better evidence and greater policy coordination – requires careful scrutiny. The Swedish and German case studies strongly suggest that bureaucratic mechanisms for PCD are insufficient to make the significant political trade-offs PCD typically demands. This analysis argues that achieving policy coherence, especially where there are significant conflicts between development and self-interest, requires political direction catalyzed by an external event. This event, or series of events, must be disruptive and focus significant public attention on the policy issue, to trigger a redistribution of power in the policy subsystem. A combination of other necessary and sufficient factors is also needed for successful policy change in favour of PCD. Institutional mechanisms cannot substitute for political will, and the current move towards a de-politicized treatment of PCD – as something that can be achieved through technocratic means – should be re-examined.

The main topic of the thesis is actors and their role in the policy change process in the transport policy of the Czech Republic. It is argued that current transport system is not sustainable and the main goal of every transport policy should be sustainable transport. There exist, however, many barriers in achieving more sustainable transport system. Institutional barriers including formal organisations as well as norms and rules and actors seem to be one of the most significant. These actors can influence and change policy. One of the theories explaining how actors can change policy is the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF suggests that actors form their policy proposals and solutions according to their belief system and create advocacy coalitions in order to pursue their goals and interests. A policy changes when a dominant coalition has been replaced by so far minor coalition representing policy alternatives or when a dominant coalition members change their attitudes towards, or a perception of, a given policy problem (e.g. local transport). Therefore, the main aim of the thesis is to find out how selected actors perceive problems of the transport policy in the Czech Republic and to identify potential advocacy coalitions through analysis of their attitudes. One of the objectives is...

Studien avser att förklara riksdagspartiernas inställning mot Natomedlemskap över tid. Därför utförs en policyanalys inom ramen för ''The Advocacy Coalition Framework'’. Detta genomförs genom att kategorisera riksdagspartierna till relevanta advocacy coalitions utifrån deras beliefs. Studien använder sig av utrikespolitiska debatter för att avgöra respektive riksdagspartis beliefs. Genom att undersöka riksdagspartiernas normative och empirical policy core beliefs över tid kan studien finna likheter och skillnader mellan advocacy coalitions. Vad studien kommer fram till är hur riksdagspartierna tar en annan ställning inom säkerhetspolitiken och hur gemensamma beliefs kan förekomma mellan advocacy coalitions. Med åren går det även att se hur riksdagspartier börjar värna mer om militära medel för svensk säkerhet. Studien erbjuder också ett teoretiskt intressant inlägg genom att lyfta upp hur empirical policy core beliefs binder också advocacy coalitions varifrån tidigare forskning visar hur oftast normative policy core beliefs avgör strukturen i advocacy coalitions. Riksdagspartiers ställningstagande antingen för Natomedlemskap eller mot Natomedlemskap blev relevant för vilken advocacy coalition riksdagspartierna blev kategoriserade inom.

Cette thèse interroge les processus de construction de la réalité́ à l’oeuvre lors de l’émergence duproblème politique de l’autisme. Un mécanisme largement bottom-up s’est imposé, sousl’impulsion déterminante de « coalitions de causes » (notamment celle des associations deparents) qui ont opéré un véritable travail de capacitation et d’expertisation pour s’approprier destravaux de recherche, contester la légitimité du pouvoir médical, revendiquer des droits auprès despouvoirs publics en utilisant différentes armes, médiatiques, et judiciaires principalement.Expliquer pourquoi l’autisme est devenu un problème politique au milieu des années 1990 jusqu’àêtre reconnu « grande cause nationale » en 2012 suppose d’analyser, sur un temps long, lesprocessus qui changent le statut de l’autisme (d’un problème familial d’abord, social ensuite,politique enfin) et en définissent les traitements publics possibles. / This thesis questions the processes and mecanisms in the emergence of the political problem ofAutism in France. A bottom-up movement has emerged, thanks to the actions of "coalitions ofcauses" (especially those of parents' associations) which have carried out a work of empowerment,in order to appropriate the research work, legitimate themself against the medical power, and claimrights with the public authorities.This reasearch explore the reasons why Autism became a political issue in the mid-1990s untilbeing recognized as a "Great national cause" in 2012. It elaborate an analysis of the process thatchange the status of autism (family problem first, social problem then, and political problem at end)and define the possible public treatment.

The topic of this diploma thesis is the development of the policy of inclusive education in the Czech Republic from the 1990s to 2018. Its objective is to describe this development and at least partially clarify the reasons for the controversy created by this policy and the increase in the public interest about this topic after the amendment of the education law in 2015. Using the process tracing method, it is testing if these reasons can be described by the theory of the advocacy coalition framework. The work finds out that considering the set hypotheses the explanation using this theory cannot be disproved. During this testing, main actors are identified and divided into advocacy coalitions. Therefore, an overview of the theory of advocacy coalition framework is included in this work, set in the context of the inclusive education policy, together with a quantitative media analysis looking at the number of relevant articles in the three most-read newspapers, a description of the interviews with the involved actors and an extensive qualitative analysis of available resources. In the last part of this work, there is an attempt to suggest measures that could at least partially calm down the discussion about the current inclusive education policy. The attachment to this work includes the scenario...

Drawing upon a series of interviews with politicians, sports administrators, coaches, journalists and academics and with analysis based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), this thesis examines elite sports development policy in Taiwan within a political context. It investigates the issues of whether or not sports development and policy-making reflect institutional features, and how sports policy has changed over time in Taiwan. It further explores the development systems of baseball, taekwondo and tennis, with a particular focus on similarities and differences between them at the elite level. Empirical data gathered from semi-structured interviews and documentary materials is analysed using an institutional approach together the ACF. The main findings suggest that, in essence, sports development and policy-making in Taiwan comply with institutional features and, during different periods from 1949 to the present day, have consistently been influenced by the political needs of the time. The analysis of the development systems of the three selected sports identified some major similarities. The government promotes them using a top-down approach and each sport relies heavily on the public funding. There sports have no national level facilities. Talent identification and development mainly occur in schools and are conducted through the competition systems. There is government financial support for elite athletes to participate in international events or for the governing bodies to host international events. The development systems for coaches share the same mechanisms. Finally, national athletes in each sport can enjoy sports science support from the government during squad training and international events. However, the case studies also reveal considerable differences. The governing bodies of taekwondo and tennis play a more dominant in elite development than that of baseball. Parents play a more significant role in the identification and development of tennis players than for the other sports. Only taekwondo national competitors train relatively frequently at the national training centre. The facilities for elite baseball players are more adequate than for the other sports. Elite baseball players enjoy the most international competition opportunities and taekwondo competitors the least. The existence of a professional baseball league and a highly professionalised international competition system for tennis serve to highlight the difference between the three sports in terms of the emergence of full-time athletes. In sum, this demonstrates quite clearly that there exists in Taiwan a single spine of sports development in general, but with variations.

Recent work has sought to explain the striking variations in municipal hospital provision in the 1930s by quantitative analysis. Such work has not so far provided a hypothesis which satisfactorily explains the range of variations found. This study, grounded in an analysis based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework and the results of three case studies of events in the county boroughs of Plymouth and Exeter and in Devon County Council, uses a qualitative methodology developed by iteration between a deductive approach drawing on recent work and an inductive approach using a computer-assisted analysis of primary source material and proposes a new hypothesis. The hypothesis developed is that where a local authority inherited a Poor Law workhouse as a result of the Local Government Act (1929) development would be more likely to occur in places where councillors exhibited strong progressive beliefs in accountability to the wider community and in their social responsibility towards that community; where they had successful experience of direct hospital provision in other fields; and when they had available a committed entrepreneur able to marshal support for change within the council. In addition to its empirical findings the study contributes to the development of public policy theory by suggesting improvements to the Advocacy Coalition Framework. Such improvements comprise recognition of the importance of ‘deep core’ as well as ‘policy core’ beliefs to policy change, consideration of path dependency as a significant method of policy learning, and of the roles of entrepreneurs and policy brokers. Finally the study draws attention to the relevance of the study to current practice in the implementation of public policy and proposes specifically that local NHS agencies should give greater prominence to identifying and supporting individuals with the skills of policy entrepreneurs.

Den svenska skogspolitiken sammanfattas till de jämställda målen av miljö respektive produktion. När dessa mål riskerar att motverka varandra är det möjligt att motstånd inför politiska åtgärder uppstår. Syftet med denna studie har därmed varit att undersöka vilken roll idésystem har för acceptansen av skogspolitikens målsättningar med avgränsning till nyckelbiotopspolitiken, samt att pröva huruvida egenintresse har någon inverkan. För studien har det teoretiska ramverket Advocacy Coalition Framework samt Rational Choice perspektivet tillämpats. Resultatet från den kvalitativa textanalysen visar att både idésystem och egenintresse förklarar policyacceptans i lika stor utsträckning. Det antyds även att korresponderande idésystem tillsammans med egenintresset samtidigt har varit styrande hos två aktörer. Vidare tyder resultatet på att mekanismerna kompletterar varandra genom att förklara policyacceptans när den andra misslyckas. De slutsatser som dras är att vidare forskning krävs för en fördjupad förståelse av dessa mekanismer och huruvida det existerar någon bakomliggande koppling sinsemellan föreställningar och egenintresse.

Ineffective environmental policies pose a problem for municipalities as they strive to create sustainable communities. Improving these policies may establish standard practices that assist municipalities in meeting related environmental goals. Statistics show the municipalities within this study operate at different levels of goal achievement. Little is known, however, about the influences that directly affect the development of environmental policies. The purpose of this study was to determine the ways in which public officials address environmental issues and the factors considered in policy discussions that lead to their decisions. The theoretical framework comprised Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's advocacy coalition and Arrow's rational choice theory. This phenomenological study explored the experiences of city council members within a region of 10 cities in southern California. Interviews were conducted with a purposeful sample of 5 city council members from 4 adjoining cities, 1 city staff member, and 1 agency representative with knowledge of all 10 cities. Data were analyzed with 3 cycles of coding to identify themes and patterns. Emergent themes included meeting community needs, educating the public, being fiscally responsible, and "doing the right thing." Participants recognized the effect of their personal influences and biases, particularly religious beliefs, on environmental policy decisions, although political affiliation appeared to be unrelated to these biases. The implications for positive social change include informing and educating both public officials and community members about regional environmental issues and their related community needs and goals.