In the era of globalization and the information society of the biotechnology sectors has had remarkable expansion and economic discourse. In this sense, today, ensure the monopoly of resources and important information in maintaining power over markets and consumers. Thus, as a basis for the promotion of biotechnology, Northern Social, natural resources, and the necessary information, the traditional knowledge, riches belonging to the Social South, is a classic expression of the relations of coloniality and subservience. In this way, traditional knowledge and biodiversity are constantly coming out of the Social North, appropriate for the Social North, the reason for quality is a need for dialogue on the need to build a normative instrument capable of granting effective protection to this wealth Of the social South. In this way, the present work has as scope to analyze the possibility of new epistemologies and orientations of protection to the traditional knowledge and associated biodiversity from the perspectives, foundations, principles and objectives of the new Latin American constitutionalism of Bolivia and Ecuador - from a View from the South - they are able to counteract a normative structure of agreement There are no comments on this or other items about it or for which they are interested in copyright. From the globalized world system. It is questioned, therefore, is this perspective of tutela from the look to a utopia or a possibility to be satisfied. In the meantime, in order to solve as questions and objectives of the present work, the research methodology in the trinamento: Base Theory / Approach, Procedure and Technique. Thus, as a base theory and approach, a dialectical perspective will be used, from which several conflicts between the new Latin American constitutionalism of Bolivia and Ecuador and the intellectual property instruments, Trips, and CBD have been established. Finally, as the procedure was adopted a bibliographic and documentary research and a technique used for the construction of archives and extended abstracts. / Na era da globalização e da sociedade da informação os setores da biotecnologia têm tido notável expansão e expressão econômica. Nesse sentido, hodiernamente, garantir o monopólio de recursos e informações importa na manutenção do poder sobre mercados e consumidores. Assim, como base de fomento aos setores das biotecnologias, dominados pelo Norte Social, estão os recursos naturais, e as informações necessárias consubstanciam-se nos saberes tradicionais, riquezas pertencentes ao Sul Social, em uma clássica expressão das relações de colonialidade e subserviência. Dessa forma, saberes tradicionais e biodiversidade vem sendo constantemente espoliados do Sul Social e apropriados indevidamente pelo Norte Social, razão pela qual é premente a necessidade de dialogar acerca da necessidade de construção de um aparato normativo capaz de conceder tutela efetiva a essa riqueza do Sul social. Desse modo, o presente trabalho tem como escopo analisar a possibilidade de novas epistemologias e orientações de tutela aos saberes tradicionais e biodiversidade associada a partir das perspectivas, fundamentos, princípios e objetivos do novo constitucionalismo latino-americano da Bolívia e Equador - a partir de uma visão desde o Sul - que sejam aptos a contrapor a atual estrutura normativa do Acordo Trip’s no que concerne aos instrumentos de propriedade intelectual, sobretudo ao instituto das patentes, bem como da Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica e os imperativos e cânones da ordem econômica e neoliberal do sistema mundo globalizado. Questiona-se, portanto, se essa perspectiva de tutela a partir desse olhar é uma utopia ou uma possibilidade a ser satisfeita. Nesse ínterim, no intuito de solver as indagações e objetivos do presente trabalho adotou-se como metodologia de pesquisa o trinômio: Teoria de Base/Abordagem, Procedimento e Técnica. Assim, como teoria de base e abordagem, utilizar-se-á a perspectiva dialética, a partir do qual estabelece-se diversos enfrentamentos entre novo constitucionalismo latino-americano da Bolívia e Equador e os instrumentos de propriedade intelectual, Acordo Trips, e CDB. Por fim, como procedimento adotou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e a técnica empregada foi a construção de fichamentos e resumos estendidos.

This thesis examines how American and German constitutionalism, as shaped by the U.S. Supreme Court and the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), have mediated the tension between threats to stability and the imperative of renewal through occasional or constant interventions in their democratic processes. To do this, it primarily assesses the 1960s U.S. reapportionment cases and the European Parliament electoral threshold cases of 2011 and 2014. It also considers the ideas of four thinkers, theorists and jurists who have wrestled with the dilemma of how to maintain the bond between citizen and state: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Jefferson and Alexis de Tocqueville. Stability and renewal represent the twin orientation points for constitutionalism and the courts against which they must adjust to possible democratic threats, or new political and social forces in need of recognition. Threats to the state can emerge either from a surfeit of illiberal views in politics and society aimed at destroying an existing constitutional order, or when democratic channels become starved of new opinions through the constitutional or unconstitutional exclusion of voters and parties. A distinctive feature of the approach taken is the conceptual division between the ‘legal/institutional' space in which the Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht interpret constitutional meaning, and the ‘civic space' in which citizens accept or reject constitutional meaning. One central question is how American and German constitutionalism, and the U.S. Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht shape and influence the vital civic space that is integral to the democratic relationship between citizen and state, and the survival of the state itself. Ultimately it is concluded that without acceptance of the importance of law and constitutionalism by citizens in the civic space, the influence of the Supreme Court and the Bundesverfassungsgericht becomes purely institutional and effectively consigned to the courtroom.

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2016-05-04T20:02:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila Ragonezi Martins - 2015.pdf: 1783548 bytes, checksum: 8e2ed9d2f33a6dffad2709c58dfa655d (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-05-05T13:01:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila Ragonezi Martins - 2015.pdf: 1783548 bytes, checksum: 8e2ed9d2f33a6dffad2709c58dfa655d (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-05T13:01:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila Ragonezi Martins - 2015.pdf: 1783548 bytes, checksum: 8e2ed9d2f33a6dffad2709c58dfa655d (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study investigates the New Latin American Constitutionalism and its contribution to the rebuilding of the appropriation and expropriation modern agrarian model. There will be a reflection on constitutional reforms experienced by some countries on the continent, especially Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, considering that those countries recently rebuilt their democratic political projects in order to make themselves more suited to the multiple social and existential conditions of their people. Indeed, this transformer constitutional movement brought categories that, aimed at priority respect for nature and biodiversity, recognized the identity, the cultural awareness, the specific values and territoriality of the Andean native people, who have been historically put in a subaltern role. Thus, was formally opened on the continent a diverse logic than that modern, colonial and individualistic rationality, from which was built the Brazilian land appropriation and expropriation model. Furthermore, it is object of this work the analysis of the economic model adopted so far of evaluating the land in the expropriations that take place in Brazil, a model that ultimately reward owners who do not give their land any social destination. In this context, this work will try to demonstrate how the New Latin American Constitutionalism is presented as an alternative development project capable of breaking old conceptions of property that, guided by a legal owner speech, give it almost absolute character and a place in the core of the legal system. The central role of cultural practices and worldviews of the continent in the new constitutional texts, especially the philosophy of buen vivir, sumak kawsay, sumak qamaña or ñande reko and the recognition of the Pachamama rights, questioned the modern idea of rupture between man and nature and allowed consideration about alternative ways of relating to the land. In this perspective, the innovations brought by this transformer constitutionalism are able to refound the modern Eurocentric legal system regarding the models of appropriation and expropriation of the land from a different concept of development for the good life recovered from the collective Latin American subjects, who use natural sources in a harmonic and equilibrated way, preserving the spaces they occupy and territorialize and that are essential for their physical and cultural reproduction. The recognition of various territorialities sets the guidelines for the transformation of the contents of land property, which, in addition to commodity and private law contract object, is transformed in collective space where a variety of rights are fulfilled. For the development of this study, we adopt the relational perspective of Joaquín Herrera Flores, that allows reflection on the fundaments of the Latin American land appropriation and expropriation model without losing sight of its relations to the social context in which is inserted. / O presente estudo investiga o Novo Constitucionalismo Latino-americano e a sua contribuição para a crítica e refundação do modelo de apropriação e desapropriação agrária moderno. Será realizada uma reflexão acerca das reformas constitucionais vivenciadas por alguns países do continente, com destaque para a Colômbia, Venezuela, Bolívia e Equador, tendo em vista que, recentemente, reconstruíram seus projetos políticos democráticos a fim de torná-los mais adequados às múltiplas condições sociais e existenciais dos seus povos. Com efeito, este movimento constitucional transformador trouxe categorias que, voltadas ao respeito prioritário à natureza e à biodiversidade, reconheceram a identidade, a consciência cultural, os valores e as territorialidades específicas dos povos originários andinos que foram historicamente subalternizados. Dessa forma, foi inaugurada, formalmente, uma lógica diversa daquela racionalidade moderna, colonial, economicista, mercantilizadora e individualista que determinou o modelo de apropriação e desapropriação agrária em todo o continente latino-americano. Ainda, será objeto do presente trabalho a análise do modelo econômico adotado no momento de valorar a terra quando das desapropriações agrárias que, no Brasil, acaba por premiar aqueles proprietários que não conferem à sua terra destinação social. Nesse contexto, buscar-se-á demonstrar como o Novo Constitucionalismo Latinoamericano apresenta-se enquanto projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento capaz de desconstruir a colonialidade ainda presente no continente andino e de romper antigas concepções acerca da propriedade que, pautadas em um discurso jurídico proprietário, conferem-lhe caráter quase absoluto e a colocam como nucleo central da ordem jurídica. O protagonismo das práticas culturais e das cosmovisões próprias do continente nos novos textos constitucionais estudados, notadamente da filosofia do buen vivir, sumak kawsay, sumak qamaña ou ñande reko e o reconhecimento dos direitos da Pachamama, questionou a ideia moderna de rompimento entre o homem e a natureza e permitiu a reflexão sobre modos alternativos de se relacionar com a terra. Nesta perspectiva, as inovações trazidas por este constitucionalismo transformador são capazes de refundar o sistema jurídico moderno eurocêntrico a partir de um conceito distinto de desenvolvimento para o bem viver. Com o resgate dos conhecimentos e práticas dos sujeitos coletivos latino-americanos, que utilizam das fontes naturais de modo harmônico e equilibrando, preservando os espaços que ocupam e territorializam, é realizada uma crítica aos modernos paradigmas jurídicos, no que tange à questão da apropriação e desapropriação agrária. O reconhecimento das diversas territorialidades latino-americanas dá as diretrizes para a transformação do conteúdo da propriedade agrária, que, além de mercadoria e objeto de contrato de direito privado, tranforma-se em espaço coletivo no qual se realiza uma multiplicidade de direitos. Para o desenvolvimento do presente estudo, parte-se da perspectiva relacional de Joaquín Herrera Flores, a qual permite a reflexão sobre os fundamentos do modelo de apropriação e desapropriação agrária latino-americano, a partir de suas relações com o contexto social no qual está inserido.

What do the current Constitutions of Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela   have in common? These are all part of what is known asthe new Latin American constitutionalism, a recenttheory  of  Constitutional  Law  that  offers  a new approach to analize the role of constitutionalism inthe present times.THĒMIS-Law Review had the opportunity to interview the main representative of this Latin American constitutionalism, with regard to what this new proposal is about, the solutions it presents, the challenges it faces, as well as the reading it offers about constitutional phenomenons and Constitutional Law institutions. / ¿Qué tienen en común las Constituciones vigentesde Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador y Bolivia? Todas ellas son parte de lo que se denomina el nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano, una corriente del Derecho Constitucional que propone un nuevo enfoque para analizar el rol del constitucionalismo en nuestros tiempos.THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho tuvo la oportunidad de conversar con uno de los principales teóricos de este constitucionalismo latinoamericano, respecto de qué trata esta nueva propuesta, las soluciones que ella plantea, los retos que se le presentan, así como la lectura que ofrece respecto de los fenómenos constitucionales e instituciones del Derecho Constitucional.

L’application extraterritoriale de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés soulève la question du rôle du principe de territorialité dans la détermination de l’étendue des droits constitutionnels. De façon plus générale, elle soulève la question du rapport entre territoire et droit. Cette thèse explore, dans un premier temps, les jalons de la méthodologie territorialiste en abordant les prémisses qui sous-tendent l’ascension du principe de territorialité comme paradigme juridique dominant. Les anomalies de ce paradigme sont par la suite présentées, de façon à illustrer un affaiblissement du principe de territorialité. Par la suite, l’auteure entreprend de déterminer le rôle du principe de territorialité dans l’établissement de l’espace occupé par la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés en situation d’extraterritorialité. Les développements jurisprudentiels récents attestent de la prédominance du paradigme territorial, mais de nombreuses difficultés d’application sont rencontrées. Après avoir testé la viabilité de ce paradigme, l’auteure entreprend de définir un nouveau cadre analytique permettant de répondre à la question de l’application de la Charte en situation d’extraterritorialité sans se référer à la position géographique du demandeur, ni à son appartenance à une certaine communauté politique pré-déterminée. Ce cadre repose sur une conceptualisation de la notion d’autorité étatique transcendant l’exercice d’un pouvoir coercitif de l’État fixé à l’intérieur de ses limites territoriales. Une autorité relationnelle, qui s’appuie sur l’idée que tout pouvoir étatique tire sa source de la Constitution et, conséquemment, doit être assujetti à son contrôle. / This thesis is about the relationship between law and territory, and more particularly, about the relationship between the principle of territoriality and the scope of Charter rights. The author first introduces territoriality as dominant legal paradigm and analyses its underlying premises. The challenges that territoriality and methodological territorialism have recently faced are also examined. The purpose of the first part of this thesis is to show that the territorial paradigm is not immune to challenge, and to provide conceptual tools to get out of the “territorial trap”. The author then looks at how, and to what extent, territoriality currently shapes the scope of Charter rights. By analysing cases on point, the author concludes that although territoriality is, officially, the answer to the question of the scope of Charter rights, in practice, the principle does not provide sufficient guidance to the judiciary. The territorial principle’s normative weaknesses are added to its practical inability to determine the scope of Charter rights. In order to examine potential alternatives to the territorial principle, the author examines the parallel debate regarding the extraterritorial scope of American constitutional rights. American courts, rather than endorsing strict territoriaity, emphasize either the membership of the claimant (the subject of constitutional litigation), the limitations on state actions (the object of constitutional litigation), or pragmatic concerns in order to determine whether a constitutional protection applies in an extraterritorial context. The author then proceeds to examining how an alternative model could be developed in Canada in the context of extraterritorial Charter cases. She argues that the personal entitlement approach, when superimposed on the territorial paradigm, brings more injustice, not less, in that people can be sufficiently related to Canada to trigger a state action, but insufficiently connected to trigger Charter protection, hence creating a state of asymmetry. She also argues that territoriality, if understood in Westphalian terms, leads to the belief that a state action is not an action within the authority of the Canadian government if it is conducted outside of Canada, hence shielding these actions from constitutional srcutiny. The model the author advocates is based on a notion of relational authority and it seeks to emphasize not the place where a government act is performed, nor the identity of the persons subject to it, but the idea that any exercise of government power is potentially amenable to constitutional scrutiny.

[pt] Em 7 de fevereiro de 2009, a Bolívia promulgava uma nova Constituição. A carta, fruto de um longo processo constituinte, com aproximadamente quatro anos de duração, refundou o país a partir de uma concepção plurinacional, com respeito aos povos originários, aos trabalhadores, à natureza, à solidariedade e às filosofias ancestrais. Nela, estabeleceu-se o direito à autodeterminação dos povos indígenas originários, a ser materializada, dentre outros meios, pela autonomia indígena originário campesina. Entretanto, a união em torno do objetivo comum da descolonização do país não foi suficiente para erradicar as contradições da Bolívia, fruto da manutenção de estruturas do colonialismo nas relações sociais e entre sociedades, razão pela qual a concretização dos direitos reconhecidos constitucionalmente tem se operado a passos lentos e enfrentado desafios oriundos tanto de setores governistas quanto da oposição. Por essa razão, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar se, e de que forma, a autonomia indígena originário campesina vem sendo implementada na Bolívia, mais de uma década após a promulgação do texto constitucional, por meio do estudo de caso do processo de aquisição de autonomia da nação originária Uru Chipaya, identificando eventuais entraves e dificuldades à materialização do direito à autodeterminação e do Estado Plurinacional. / [en] On February 7, 2009, Bolivia promulgated a new Constitution. The text, the result of a long constituent process, lasting approximately four years, re-founded the country from a plurinational concept, with respect to native peoples, workers, nature, solidarity and ancestral philosophies. In it, the right to self-determination of originay indigenous peoples was established, to be materialized, among other means, by indigenous originary peasant autonomy. However, the union around the common objective of the decolonization of the country was not enough to eradicate the contradictions of Bolivia, fruit of the maintenance of structures of colonialism in the social relations and between societies, reason why the realization of the constitutionally recognized rights has operated in slow steps and faced challenges from both government and opposition sectors. For this reason, the present work aims to analyze if, and in what way, the indigenous originary peasant autonomy has been implemented in Bolivia, more than a decade after the promulgation of the constitutional text, through the case study of originaru nation Uru Chipaya s acquisition process of indigenous originary peasant autonomy, identifying possible obstacles and difficulties to the materialization of the right to self-determination and the Plurinational State. / [es] En el 7 de febrero de 2009, Bolivia promulgó una nueva Constitución. La carta, fruto de un largo proceso constituyente, de aproximadamente cuatro años, refundó el país desde un concepto multinacional, con respeto a los pueblos originarios, los trabajadores, la naturaleza, la solidaridad y las filosofías ancestrales. En él, se establece el derecho a la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígena originario, que se materializará, entre otros medios, en la autonomía indígena originario campesina. Sin embargo, la unidad en torno al objetivo común de descolonización del país no fue suficiente para erradicar las contradicciones en Bolivia, resultado del mantenimiento de las estructuras del colonialismo en las relaciones sociales y entre las sociedades, ya que se pretendía la realización de dos derechos constitucionalmente reconocidos. operó a pasos lentos y enfrentó desafíos tanto del gobierno como de los sectores de oposición. Por eso, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar si, y de qué manera, se implementó la autonomía indígena originario campesina en Bolivia, a más de una década de la promulgación del texto constitucional, a través del estudio de caso del proceso de adquisición de la autonomía de la nación originaria Uru Chipaya, identificando posibles obstáculos y dificultades en la realización del derecho a la libre determinación y al Estado Plurinacional.